The Moral Limits of Jurisdiction

AuthorHarold G. Leggett/Beau James Brock
PositionSenior Manager of Harold Leggett & Associates, an environmental & resource management consulting firm, after previously serving as Secretary of the Louisiana Depar tment of Environmental Quality/Confidential Assistant to the Secretary of the department (Peggy Hatch) after serving in the same capacity for Harold Leggett
Pages32-35
Page 32 THE ENVIRONMENTAL FORUM Copyright © 2010, Environmental Law Institute®, Washington, D.C. www.eli.org.
Reprinted by permission from The Environmental Forum®, May/June 2010
Any policy that seeks to improve the quality
of life must spring from the hearty trunk
of the community in order to support the
diverse boughs and f‌lowering crown of so-
ciety. is isnt only metaphor but reality:
the Environmental Protection Agency is attempting
to reduce emissions of ozone, particulate matter, and
greenhouse gases using standards developed without
real consensus and without fully understanding their
impact on citizens and on states charged with main-
taining compliance with the Clean Air Act. e agen-
cy is driving initiatives through the its own internal
policy process to achieve a political end, potentially
causing our citizenry’s limbs to break under the weight
while undermining its root principles.
e American people do not see our republic as in-
fallible. An early example came in 1798, when both
Virginia and Kentucky passed resolutions of protest to
meddling from Washington, declaring, “e rightful
remedy against all unauthorized acts done under color
of [law] against the states was a nullif‌ication by those
sovereignties.” ese protests took on heightened im-
plications in 1832 when South Carolina, in decrying
the economic inequities caused by the protectionist
tarif‌fs designed to support f‌ledgling northern manu-
facturers, passed a nullif‌ication ordinance. John C.
Calhoun detailed the political and legal basis of nul-
lif‌ication and what it meant for the state and the rest
of the country: “e crisis stemmed from the ‘radical
error’ that the general government ‘is a national, and
not, as in reality it is, a confederated government.’”
is sectional economic struggle reached fever
pitch when the governor of South Carolina called for
volunteers to defend the state in case of invasion, and
President Andrew Jackson responded with equal swift-
ness, declaring, “Nullif‌ication [is] treason against the
United States.” e felling of the tree that is our re-
public was derailed by a political compromise on the
amount of the tarif‌fs.
But “states rights” is no longer a code phrase for
denial of civil liberties, and nullif‌ication has returned
as a real weapon in defense of environmental federal-
ism. According to the Tenth Amendment Center, as
of last October some 37 states have introduced “state
sovereignty resolutions” and seven have passed them.
Clearly, to return to our metaphor, boughs are about
to break.
e lack of full public participation in environ-
mental policymaking, which includes not only con-
tributions from citizens but from corporations as well,
has never been more evident than in the ongoing uni-
lateral agency actions to strengthen National Ambi-
ent Air Quality Standards for two criteria pollutants,
ozone and particulates, and to restrict emissions of
greenhouse gases for the f‌irst time.
e Moral Limits of Jurisdiction
As the states and the public face new rules on emissions under the Clean Air Act, the
authors f‌ind that environmental policy devoid of economic feasibility equals ethical
bankruptcy by policymakers to the detriment of all citizens and their economic liberty
Harold G. Leggett
Beau James Brock
Harold G. Leggett, Ph.D., is Se nior
Manager of Harold Leggett & A ssociates,
an environmen tal & resource manage ment
consu lting firm, after prev iously servi ng
as Secretary of the
Louisiana D epart-
ment of Environmen-
tal Quality. Beau James Broc k serves as
Condential Assistant to the Secretary of
the departme nt (Peggy Hatch) after serving
in the s ame capacit y for Harold Leggett. This
article reects onl y the personal opinions of the autho rs does not
consititute an of cial position of the state of L ouisiana.

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