The Missing D in U.s. Foreign Relations Law

The Missing D in U.S. Foreign Relations Law
DAVID H. MOORE*
United States foreign relations law once subsisted on the outskirts of
constitutional and international law. Now a recognized f‌ield of scholar-
ship in its own right, foreign relations law addresses some of the most
important questions of our time, such as whether the President may uni-
laterally conduct strikes against Iran or withdraw from the Paris Climate
Agreement. For all its importance, however, U.S. foreign relations law
has developed with blinders on. U.S. foreign policy embraces at least
three Ds: defense, diplomacy, and development. Yet foreign relations law
scholarship has approached the critical questions of the f‌ield almost
exclusively through the lens of defense and diplomacy. This Article high-
lights the missing D in U.S. foreign relations law and, in so doing, makes
two primary contributions.
First, the Article expands the f‌ield of foreign relations law to embrace
development fully and demonstrates how that embrace qualif‌ies the con-
ventional wisdom on core issues, such as the scope of presidential power,
the relationship between the President and Congress, and the role of
U.S. states and cities in foreign affairs. Second, the Article introduces a
new research agenda for foreign relations law scholarship. If foreign
relations law could signif‌icantly neglect an established component of
U.S. foreign policy for so long, what else is missing? Drawing on the
characteristics of development aid, the Article identif‌ies avenues for
research that may uncover further areas of neglect.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1140
I. THE THREE DS OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1143
A. ORIGINS OF THE “THREE DS” PHRASE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1143
B. DEFINITIONS OF DEFENSE, DIPLOMACY, AND DEVELOPMENT . . . . . . . 1145
C. THE THIRD D IN UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1146
* Sterling and Eleanor Colton Endowed Chair in Law, J. Reuben Clark Law School, Brigham Young
University; former Acting Deputy Administrator and General Counsel of the U.S. Agency for
International Development. © 2021, David H. Moore. For their helpful comments, I thank Evan Criddle,
Kristina Daugirdas, Bill Dodge, George Foster, Jean Galbraith, Don Gressett, Monica Hakimi, Chime
´ne
Keitner, Andrew Kent, Susan Pascocello, Mike Ramsey, Ryan Scoville, and David Stewart. I also thank
Diana Flores, Haley Holloway, Rhett Hunt, Taylor Larsen, Alyssa Nielsen, Charles Sherrill, Jackson
Skinner, April Tansiongco, Kyra Waring, and Chery Yang for excellent research assistance and Shawn
Nevers for exceptional library support. This Article is dedicated to Natalie Anne Burton Moore.
1139
II. U.S. FOREIGN RELATIONS LAWS FOCUS ON DEFENSE AND DIPLOMACY . 1148
III. FOREIGN RELATIONS LAW THROUGH THE LENS OF DEVELOPMENT . . . . . . 1151
A. THE PRESIDENT’S CONSTITUTIONAL POWERS IN FOREIGN AFFAIRS . . . 1151
1. Enumerated Powers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1152
2. Vesting Clause . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1155
a. Philosophical Understanding of Executive Power. . . 1157
b. History of State Involvement in Development . . . . . . 1158
3. Take Care Clause . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1161
4. Historical Practice. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1163
5. Functionalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1164
B. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS . . . . . . . . . 1165
C. THE ROLE OF STATES AND CITIES IN FOREIGN AFFAIRS. . . . . . . . . . . . 1186
IV. A RESEARCH AGENDA FOR U.S. FOREIGN RELATIONS LAW . . . . . . . . . . . 1191
A. EXPANDING TO THE OPERATIONAL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1191
B. FOCUSING ON CONGRESSIONAL POWERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1193
C. UPDATING FOR RECENT COMPONENTS OF FOREIGN POLICY . . . . . . . . 1199
CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1200
INTRODUCTION
Previously dwelling on the outskirts of constitutional and international law,
1
U.S. foreign relations law is now a f‌ield of study in its own right.
2
Its arrival
stems not only from the emergence of a cadre of dedicated scholars but also
from the growing importance of foreign affairs in an interconnected world.
1. See LOUIS HENKIN, FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND THE CONSTITUTION, at viii (1972) (suggesting that, for
all but a few government attorneys, “the law of foreign affairs fell somewhere between the constitutional
lawyer and the international lawyer”).
2. See, e.g., Curtis A. Bradley, What Is Foreign Relations Law?, in THE OXFORD HANDBOOK OF
COMPARATIVE FOREIGN RELATIONS LAW 3, 8–13 (Curtis A. Bradley ed., 2019) (discussing the
emergence of U.S. foreign relations law as a f‌ield of study and concluding that it has existed since at
least the 1950s, though the f‌irst textbook did not appear until 1987). Indeed, U.S. foreign relations law
has recently given rise to comparative foreign relations law. See id. at 7 (introducing the book’s focus as
the “commonalities and variations in . . . foreign relations law across national jurisdictions”).
1140 THE GEORGETOWN LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 109:1139
Foreign relations law explores the legal boundaries within which the United
States conducts foreign relations.
3
The constitutional questions presented are
some of the most pressing of our time: may the President withdraw from the Paris
Climate Agreement?
4
The Iran Nuclear Deal?
5
Must Congress authorize the
President to conduct strikes against Iran or commit troops to Syria?
6
May interna-
tional human rights claims be heard in U.S. courts?
7
May individual states, such
as California, pursue international climate standards that the federal government
has not?
8
These sorts of questions—collectively addressing the distribution of
foreign affairs powers between the President, Congress, and the courts; the rela-
tive foreign relations roles of state and federal governments; and the domestic
legal status of international law—are the focus of U.S. foreign relations law.
9
They have reached the Supreme Court with increasing frequency in recent
years.
10
3. See, e.g., CURTIS A. BRADLEY, ASHLEY S. DEEKS & JACK L. GOLDSMITH, FOREIGN RELATIONS
LAW: CASES AND MATERIALS, at xix (7th ed. 2020) (explaining that U.S. foreign relations law
“examines the constitutional and statutory law that regulates the conduct of U.S. foreign relations”);
Bradley, supra note 2, at 3 (def‌ining foreign relations law as “the domestic law of each nation that
governs how that nation interacts with the rest of the world”).
4. See, e.g., Lisa Friedman, Trump Serves Notice to Quit Paris Climate Agreement, N.Y. TIMES (Feb.
21, 2021), https://www.nytimes.com/2019/11/04/climate/trump-paris-agreement-climate.html.
5. See, e.g., Mark Landler, Trump Abandons Iran Nuclear Deal He Long Scorned, N.Y. TIMES (May
8, 2018), https://www.nytimes.com/2018/05/08/world/middleeast/trump-iran-nuclear-deal.html.
6. See, e.g., Charlie Savage, Iran and Presidential War Powers, Explained, N.Y. TIMES (Jan. 9,
2020), https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/06/us/politics/war-powers-resolution-iran.html.
7. See, e.g., Curtis A. Bradley, The Costs of International Human Rights Litigation, 2 CHI. J. INTL L.
457, 458, 473 (2001) (suggesting that Congress should decide the scope of international human rights
litigation in U.S. courts given the costs of that litigation).
8. See, e.g., Hiroko Tabuchi & Coral Davenport, Justice Dept. Investigates California Emissions
Pact That Embarrassed Trump, N.Y. TIMES (Sept. 6, 2019), https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/06/
climate/automakers-california-emissions-antitrust.html (reporting that the federal government invoked
antitrust law to scrutinize a recent deal between California and four signif‌icant automakers to lower auto
emissions).
9. See BRADLEY, DEEKS & GOLDSMITH, supra note 3, at xix; see also Bradley, supra note 2, at 4
(highlighting the distribution-of-authority questions on which foreign relations law focuses).
10. See, e.g., Trump v. Hawaii, 138 S. Ct. 2392, 2423 (2018) (dissolving a preliminary injunction
against President Trump’s revised travel ban); Jesner v. Arab Bank, PLC, 138 S. Ct. 1386, 1403, 1407
(2018) (concluding that foreign corporations cannot be sued for international human rights violations
under the Alien Tort Statute); Zivotofsky v. Kerry, 135 S. Ct. 2076, 2094, 2096 (2015) (holding that the
President alone has the authority to recognize foreign states); Bond v. United States, 572 U.S. 844, 859–
60 (2014) (applying a federalism canon of statutory construction to limit the reach of a federal statute
implementing treaty obligations); Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum Co., 569 U.S. 108, 117 (2013)
(limiting international human rights litigation under the Alien Tort Statute by applying the presumption
against extraterritoriality); Arizona v. United States, 567 U.S. 387, 410, 416 (2012) (restricting state
involvement in immigration enforcement); Morrison v. Nat’l Austl. Bank Ltd., 561 U.S. 247, 265 (2010)
(constraining the extraterritorial application of U.S. securities law); Samantar v. Yousuf, 560 U.S. 305,
314–15 (2010) (concluding that the Foreign Sovereign Immunity Act does not govern foreign off‌icial
immunity); Boumediene v. Bush, 553 U.S. 723, 795 (2008) (f‌inding that the constitutional right to
habeas extends to foreign nationals detained at Guanta
´namo Bay); Medellı
´n v. Texas, 552 U.S. 491,
506–14 (2008) (addressing whether treaty obligations are self-executing); Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 548 U.
S. 557, 594–95, 635 (2006) (limiting the Executive’s ability to try foreign nationals by military
commission); Sosa v. Alvarez-Machain, 542 U.S. 692, 732–33, 738 (2004) (permitting, with constraints,
the creation of federal common law causes of action based on the customary international law of human
2021] THE MISSING D IN U.S. FOREIGN RELATIONS LAW 1141

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