The Longue Durée of the Marxist Theory of Dependency and the Twenty-First Century

Published date01 January 2022
Date01 January 2022
AuthorCarlos Eduardo Martins
DOI10.1177/0094582X211052029
Subject MatterArticles: Reflections on Historical Thought
https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582X211052029
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, Issue 242, Vol. 49 No. 1, January 2022, 18–35
DOI: 10.1177/0094582X211052029
© 2021 Latin American Perspectives
18
The Longue Durée of the Marxist Theory of Dependency
and the Twenty-First Century
by
Carlos Eduardo Martins
Translated by
Patricia Fierro
A critical review of the 50-year-old Marxist theory of dependency and its current situ-
ation includes discussion of its analyses of the world-system, the concepts of superexploi-
tation and subimperialism, its reflections on development, democracy, and proposals for
emancipation, and its perspectives on the rise of the Latin American left in the twenty-first
century and the prospects of neoconservatism. It concludes that with the globalization of
capital, Marxist dependency theory must oppose not only internal structures of depen-
dency but the imperialist world order, and this will call for the development of national,
continental and global strategies.
Uma revisão crítica dos 50 anos de debates sobre a teoria marxista da dependência e seu
estado da arte, que inclui a discussão de suas análises do sistema-mundo, os conceitos de
superexploração e subimperialismo, suas reflexões sobre desenvolvimento, democracia e
propostas de emancipação, e suas perspectivas sobre a ascensão da esquerda latino-ameri-
cana no século XXI e as perspectivas do neoconservadorismo. Conclui que, com a global-
ização do capital, a teoria marxista da dependência deve assumir sua vocação de luta não
apenas contra as estruturas internas da dependência mas também contra a ordem mundial
imperialista, e isso exigirá o desenvolvimento de estratégias nacionais, continentais e
mundiais.
Keywords: Dependency, Development, Superexploitation, Subimperialism, World-
system
The Marxist theory of dependency was initially formulated between 1967
and 1982, in response to the crisis of national developmentalism, by exiles in
Chile and Mexico, deepening preliminary thoughts during 1961–1966 in the
Organização Revolucionária Marxista–Política Operária (Marxist Revolutionary
Political Workers’ Organization—POLOP) and the Universidade Nacional de
Brasília. The Centro de Estudios Socio-Económicos (Center for Socioeconomic
Studies—CESO) in Chile and Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México
(National Autonomous University of Mexico—UNAM) in Mexico, where the
exiled individuals were received, played a fundamental role, focusing on the
socialist transformation at the former and the redemocratization of the Southern
Carlos Eduardo Martins is an associate professor at the Instituto de Relações Internacionais e
Defesa of the Universidade Federal de Rio de Janeiro and a professor on the permanent staff of
the university’s graduate program in international political economy. Patricia Fierro is a translator
living in Quito, Ecuador.
1052029LAPXXX10.1177/0094582X211052029Latin American PerspectivesMartins / LONGUE DURÉE OF MARXIST DEPENDENCY THEORY
research-article2021
Martins / LONGUE DURÉE OF MARXIST DEPENDENCY THEORY 19
Cone at the latter. Among the main formulators of the theory were Theotônio
dos Santos, Ruy Mauro Marini, Vânia Bambirra, Orlando Caputo, and Roberto
Pizarro. The following publications may be highlighted: CESO (1967), Dos
Santos (1968; 1969; 1972; 1978a); Marini (1968; 1973; 1978b; 1979a; 1979b; 1982),
Bambirra (1974; 1978), and Caputo and Pizarro (1974).
This period was preceded, from 1890 to 1930, by a first flowering of depen-
dency theory in anti-imperialist thought whose main expressions were the
works of José Martí and Jose Carlos Mariátegui (Marini, 1992). Martí denounced
the cultural colonialism of Latin American oligarchies as the basis for submis-
sion to European and American imperialism. He pinned his hopes on a radical
liberalism that broke with the internal colonialism that had survived indepen-
dence and established an alliance between the nationalist middle classes and
the masses based on liberating political parties that forged a greater awareness
of a national project and Latin American and Caribbean integration. Mariátegui
pointed to the persistence of colonial capitalism in Latin America because of the
place that the world capitalist economy had reserved for it in the international
division of labor. Analyzing the Peruvian case, he argued that the severe limits
to industrialization that ensued had prevented the full development of a pro-
letariat, turning the indigenous into the agents of the transformation to social-
ism because of their hybrid condition as semiproletarians and bearers of the
communal relations in which the values indispensable for the reproduction of
the workforce were produced. For him it was up to socialism to pursue the path
toward development and national sovereignty.
The second flowering of dependency theory, crystallized in the Marxist the-
ory of dependency, was established when the international division of labor
was restructured after the crisis of the world market and the establishment of
U.S. hegemony. Multinational corporations prioritized investment in the
domestic markets of host countries, industry was partially decentralized and
transferred to the periphery, import substitution was established and pro-
moted, and most of the countries in the periphery were freed from European
colonial rule. The Marxist theory of dependency analyzed dependency as part
of a monopolist, dynamic, and competitive world capitalist economy that tran-
scended national states, creating relations of complementarity, subordination,
commitment, and/or conflict among its various hegemonic internal bourgeoi-
sies. The analytical emphasis was not primarily on colonial relations but on the
dynamics of capitalist accumulation that created them and on the structures of
the world economy that they forged.
For the Marxist theory of dependency, dependency was based on internal
features of peripheral economies that incorporated them in a subordinate way
into a capitalist world economy initially based on European colonialism. These
features were linked to a pursuit of extraordinary profits that, under condi-
tions of asymmetry, took the form of access to foreign technology, the markets
of the central countries, and international credit. This ensured, internally, the
formation in the periphery of monopolist bourgeoisies that were limited by
their incorporation into complementary branches of the international division
of labor, where they suffered transfers of surplus value through commercial,
productive, and financial relations. The higher value transfers imposed on
dependent countries by big international capital in all these formations—and

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