The legal history, incongruous variations, and outer reaches of the real estate transfer tax

Pages275-321
Date01 October 2022
AuthorCharles Szypszak
Subject MatterDerecho Público y Administrativo
THE LEGAL HISTORY, INCONGRUOUS
VARIATIONS, AND OUTER REACHES OF THE
REAL ESTATE TRANSFER TAX
Charles Szypszak*
Author’s Synopsis: Real estate transfer taxes have been around a long
time, but they receive scarcely any attention in public discussions about
tax law and policy. While real estate practition ers may be familiar with
a transfer tax in their work, they and their clients may not know how
much it can vary in other states or consider how the variations can affect
real estate prices and investment. Although real estate transfer taxes are
a relatively small contributor to state tax revenues, they can be finan-
cially weighty to those buying or selling real estate, amounting to several
thousand dollars or more.
This Article provides background about the evolution of the real
estate transfer tax, from a colonial stamp tax to a widely varying state
tax. Some states’ constitutions forbid it; some states aim a tax at common
real estate transactions; other states impose a tax at a relatively high
rate and extend it even to complex transfers of interests in real estate
holding companies. This Article examines the legal basis for the tax,
describes its formulations, and analyzes the dynamics of its impact. The
analysis includes consideration of two significant issues about the outer
reaches of state transfer taxes: their application to foreclosures,
including when there are claims of federal exemption, and when there is
a transfer of control without a conveyance by deed.
Charles Szypszak, Albert Coates Distinguished Professor of Public Law and
Government, School of Government, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. The
author is advisor to North Carolina’s registers of deeds and other public officials on real
estate law. Prior to joining the faculty in 2005, for nineteen years the author practiced real
estate and business law at a firm in New Hampshire.
276 57 REAL PROPERTY, TRUST AND ESTATE LAW JOURNAL
I. INTRODUCTION.......................................................................... 276
II. THE STAMP TAX LEGACY ........................................................ 277
III. THE DYNAMICS OF A REAL ESTATE TRANSFER TAX ............. 286
IV. STATE TRANSFER TAX VARIATIONS ........................................ 294
A. Basic Application and Rates ............................................ 294
B. Exemption Variations for Common Transfers ................. 299
V. CHALLENGES AT THE OUTER REACHES OF A REAL ESTATE
TRANSFER TAX .......................................................................... 307
A. Foreclosure and Mortgage Association Immunity ........... 308
B. Real Estate Companies and Controlling Interests ............ 316
VI. CONCLUSION ............................................................................. 321
I. INTRODUCTION
Real estate transfer taxes receive scarcely any national attention in
public discussions about tax law and policy. Although mostly inconspic-
uous since American colonists opposed a British stamp tax in 1765, a real
estate transfer tax has long been used in the United States for revenue
collection.1 It has evolved from a simple federal charge for a document
stamp to a tax that varies widely across the country. Some states’ constitu-
tions forbid it; some states aim a tax at common real estate transactions;
other states impose a tax at a relatively high rate and extend it even to
complex transfers of controlling interests in real estate holding companies.
Although it is a relatively small contributor to state tax revenues, it can be
financially weighty to those buying or selling real estate, amounting to
several thousand dollars or more, and research shows it can have a
significant impact on prices.2 Despite the many different ways a transfer
tax can affect real estate purchases and investment, there is no reason to
conclude that state policy and law makers carefully analyze transactional
realities in a way that makes the tax well-considered.
Part I of this Article provides background about the evolution of the
real estate transfer tax, from a colonial stamp tax to a widely varying state
tax on transfers of real estate interests. Part II analyzes the dynamics of the
tax, including its impact on real estate transactions. Part III describes the
basic nature of state versions of the tax and exemptions from it, with
examples from states with very different approaches. Part IV anal yzes two
significant issues about the outer reaches of state real estate transfer taxes:
1 See discussion infra Part I.
2 See infra notes 92114 and accompanying text.
FALL/WINTER 2022 Real Estate Transfer Tax 277
their application to foreclosures, including when there are claims of federal
exemption, and their application to the transfer of controlling interests in
a company owning real estate when there is no conveyance by deed. In its
entirety, this Article illuminates a tax that too easily escapes the attention
that state and local policy makers should pay to it.
II. THE STAM P TAX LEGACY
Excise taxes levied on the sale or consumption of products are an
integral part of tax systems in market economies.3 Some scholars argue
that excise taxes are better than income taxes because, among other things,
they can encourage saving and target those of better financial means who
spend on luxuries.4 Excise taxes can also be a policy tool for discouraging
activities deemed harmful, as has been the case with efforts to control
consumption of liquor, tobacco, and gasoline.5
Governments have long looked to an excise tax on deeds and other
legal instruments as a public revenue source, including lawmakers in the
American Colonies.6 Legislation imposing such a tax was once known as
a “stamp act” because it required affixation of a stamp to a document as
evidence of payment.7 Years before movement toward independence, the
Massachusetts Bay Colony adopted such a tax in 1755, to be effective for
two years, at 4 pence8 for a deed when the consideration for the transfer
was 20 pounds or more (0.08% at 20 pounds consideration), and 2 pence
when the consideration was less than 20 pounds.9 Just a few months later,
3 See Joseph Bankman, The Superiority of an Ideal Consumption Tax Over an Ideal
Income Tax, 58 STAN. L. REV. 1413 (2006).
4 E.g., id.; Barbara H. Fried, Fairness and the Consumption Tax, 44 STAN. L. REV.
961 (1992); Alvin Warren, Would a Consumption Tax be Fairer than an Income Tax?, 89
YALE L.J. 1081 (1980).
5 See, e.g., Jendi B. Reiter, Citizens or Sinners? The Economic and Political Inequity
of “Sin Taxes” on Tobacco and Alcohol Products, 29 COLUM. J.L. & SOC. PROBS. 443, 443
(1996).
6 See, e.g., Ch. 18, 17541755 Province Laws 2d. Sess., 793, 793, reprinted in THE
ACTS AND RESOLVES PUBLIC AND PRIVATE OF THE MASS BAY 793 (1878),
https://archive.org/details/actsresolvespass1878mass/page/n3/mode/2up [hereinafter THE
ACTS AND RESOLVES].
7 See id. at 794.
8 There were 240 pence to the pound in the old English coinage system.
9 See An Act for Granting His Majesty Several Duties upon Vellum, Parchment and
Paper, for Two Years, Toward Defraying the Charges of This Government, MASS. BAY
PROVINCE L. ch. 18, § 1 (1755), in T HE ACTS AND RESOLVES, PUBLIC AND PRIVATE OF THE
MASS. BAY 79376 (1878).

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