The Institutional Mobility of Minority Members of Congress

Published date01 December 2011
DOI10.1177/1065912910379225
AuthorJason L. Morin,Gabriel R. Sanchez,Michael S. Rocca
Date01 December 2011
The Institutional Mobility of Minority
Members of Congress
Michael S. Rocca1, Gabriel R. Sanchez1, and Jason L. Morin1
Abstract
This article examines the extent to which race and ethnicity affect mobility to leadership positions within Congress.
The authors utilize survival analysis to examine the rate at which legislators attained committee leadership positions
between the 101st and 108th Congresses. The results show that black legislators attain leadership positions faster than
white legislators. This may be because of the tendency for black members of Congress (MCs) to sit on less prestigious
committees than white MCs, which creates greater opportunity for institutional promotion. Ethnicity, on the other
hand, does not matter to mobility as Latinos acquire leadership positions at the same rate as non-Latino legislators.
Keywords
Congress, race, ethnicity, mobility, committee leadership
In 2006, Democrats gained control of the 110th Congress
for the first time in twelve years. Among other things, the
110th Congress demonstrated some landmark changes
in the composition of the House of Representatives as a
record number of minorities attained committee leader-
ship positions. Indeed, the advancement of Nancy Pelosi
(D-CA) to Speaker of the House seemed symbolic of a
greater trend happening within the U.S. Congress. For
example, Nydia Velazquez (D-NY) became the first His-
panic woman to chair a full committee and four African
Americans became full committee chairs. Representa-
tive Charles B. Rangel (D-NY) acquired the Ways and
Means chair, the late Juanita Millender-McDonald (D-CA)
became chair of House Administration, Representative
John Conyers, Jr. (D-MI) gained the Judiciary position,
and Representative Bennie Thompson (D-MS) now leads
Homeland Security.
As “players with extra cards” (Hall 1996) these leaders
now possess the ability to shape the agenda, pass legis-
lation, and distribute benefits to colleagues and constitu-
ents. Not only should these promotions aid minorities’
individual pursuits of reelection (Fenno 1973; Mayhew
1974), but also they may yield greater substantive repre-
sentation for minorities nationally (Swain 1992; Cannon
1999; Menifield and Jones 2001). Even despite subpar lev-
els of descriptive representation in Congress overall, the
advancement of Latino and African American members
of Congress (MCs) to leadership positions in Congress
may shift the agenda toward issues of particular interest to
these communities.
These electoral and representational implications make
promotion within Congress a prominent goal of individual
member MCs (Fenno 1973). Students of Congress have
long examined the formal and informal factors that
contribute to an MC’s promotion. Such determinants
include seniority (Hinckley 1969), party loyalty (Cox
and McCubbins 1993), and her or his level of legislative
entrepreneurship (Wawro 2000). This article examines
one additional factor: race and ethnicity. Survival analy-
sis is used to examine the rate at which legislators attained
committee leadership positions between the 101st and
108th Congresses. The results show that black legislators
attain leadership positions faster than white legislators.
However, this may be because of the tendency for black
MCs to sit on less prestigious committees than white MCs,
which creates greater opportunity for institutional pro-
motion. Ethnicity, on the other hand, does not matter to
mobility as Latino MCs acquire leadership positions at
the same rate as non-Latino MCs.
Though this article fits squarely within studies of
descriptive and substantive representation in Congress,
it also has implications for other congressional research.
It is the first to use survival analysis to model the time it
takes MCs to acquire committee leadership positions. As
such, the results speak to a wide range of issues in con-
gressional behavior such as the relevance of political
parties as well as the importance of voting records and
entrepreneurial activities to institutional mobility.
1University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM, USA
Corresponding Author:
Gabriel R. Sanchez, University of New Mexico, Department of
Political Science, MSCO5 3070, Albuquerque, NM 87131-0001
Email: sanchezg@unm.edu
Political Research Quarterly
64(4) 897 –909
© 2011 University of Utah
Reprints and permission:
sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/1065912910379225
http://prq.sagepub.com

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