The Influence of Sellers on Contract Choice: Evidence from Flood Insurance

Date01 June 2020
AuthorMarc A. Ragin,Benjamin L. Collier
Published date01 June 2020
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/jori.12280
©2019 The Journal of Risk and Insurance (2019).
DOI: 10.1111/jori.12280
The Influence of Sellers on Contract Choice:
Evidence from Flood Insurance
Benjamin L. Collier
Marc A. Ragin
Abstract
We examine the ability of insurers to influence the coverage limit decisions
of 180,000 households in the National Flood Insurance Program. In this pro-
gram, private insurers sell identical flood contracts at identical rates and bear
no risk of paying claims. About 12 percent of new policyholders overinsure,
selecting a coverage limit that exceeds their home’s estimated replacement
cost. Overinsuring is expensive relative to expected loss, making it difficult
to explain with standard decision-making models. The rate of overinsuring
differs substantially across insurers, ranging from zero to one-third of new
policies. Insurer effects on the likelihood of overinsuring are statistically sig-
nificant after controlling for the policyholder’s characteristics. Additionally,
some insurers seem to encourage households to overinsure in percentage
terms (e.g., buy 110 percent of replacement cost) while others encourage
rounding up in dollars (e.g., to the next $10,000). Wefind that insurers’ distri-
bution systems and commission rates influence whether their policyholders
overinsure.
Introduction
We examine whether insurers influence the contract choices of their policyholders.
Economists model insurance decisions as a function of a consumer’s risk exposure
and risk preferences (e.g., Arrow, 1974; Cohen and Einav, 2007). For many insurance
decisions, however, the consumer has incomplete information and must rely on the
seller to understand the risk and the insurance contract. Thus, a consumer’s contract
decisions may depend on what its insurer recommends. Investigating potential seller
effects in an insurance setting, however, often involves empirical challenges due to
We thank David Eckles, Jed Frees, Rob Hoyt, Kenneth Klein, Joan Schmit, Roxane Steinacker,
Justin Sydnor, and seminar participants at University of Wisconsin-Madison, Temple Univer-
sity, the American Risk and Insurance Association, and the Southern Risk and Insurance As-
sociation for helpful comments. We also thank Jianing Yao and Juan Zhang for their research
assistance.
Benjamin L. Collier is at the Department of Risk, Insurance, and Healthcare Management,
Temple University. he can be contacted via e-mail: collier@temple.edu. Marc A. Ragin is at
the Department of Insurance, Legal Studies, and Real Estate, University of Georgia. He can be
contacted via e-mail: mragin@uga.edu
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2The Journal of Risk and Insurance
differences between insurers (e.g., credit rating) and the product features that they
offer (e.g., coverage terms and pricing).
In this study,we examine a market setting that overcomes these empirical challenges—
private insurers who sell residential flood insurance policies in the National Flood
Insurance Program (NFIP). The U.S. federal government sets all terms of the insurance
contract (e.g., premium rating, coverage options) and bears all claims risk. The NFIP
incentivizes private insurers to sell these policies via commissions on the premium
paid. Thus, the contracts in our study are identical in every sense except for the seller—
an ideal setting to examine the ability of sellers to influence households’ contract
choices.
Our analyses focus on overinsuring, where consumers select a flood insurance cover-
age limit that is larger than their home’s estimated replacement cost. About 12 percent
of new policyholders overinsure. The replacement cost is the cost to rebuild the home
with materials of like kind and quality, and is estimated by the seller at the time of
purchase.1A household might overinsure for several reasons, which we discuss be-
low. In our setting where insurers sell identical products, standard economic theory
suggests that the selected coverage limit should not depend on the insurer. Yet, we
observe that overinsuring differs substantially across insurers.Figure 1 is a motivating
illustration. It shows the distribution of selected coverage limits (relative to estimated
replacement cost) for new policyholders of three large participating insurers. A ratio
of one indicates full coverage, while a ratio above (below) one denotes overinsuring
(underinsuring). The policyholders of Insurer A tend to purchase full coverage, and
they never overinsure. The policyholders of Insurer B often overinsure, with more
than 30 percent of policyholders purchasing excess coverage. Insurer C’s policyhold-
ers are the most likely to partially insure (about 40 percent), though approximately 15
percent overinsure.
Under an assumption of fully-informed consumers, overinsuring is difficult to explain
with standard models of decision making (e.g., expected utility theory or prospect
theory). The cost to overinsure appears large relative to the expected loss. Out of
nearly 180,000 policies in our sample, assessed damages are greater than estimated
replacement cost only 40 times—a rate of 0.02 percent. Six of these 40 policies with
excess damage were overinsured. The mean amount of excess damage for the 40
policies is $6,872. This results in an expected loss per household of $1.53. Overinsuring
households pay an average of $71.07 in additional premium for excess coverage, which
1Throughout the article, we refer to the seller’s estimate of the cost at this point as the home’s
“replacement cost.” Insurers use software to estimate replacementcost for the customer based
on claims data and a home’s characteristics (e.g., size, location, and construction materials).
Insurers are required to report the home’s replacement cost to the NFIP for the policies that
we study.The NFIP instructs sellers to use “normal company practice” to provide the home’s
estimated replacement cost to the policyholder when the flood insurance contract is origi-
nated (NFIP, 2006, p. 4–175). Deriving an accurate estimate of the home’s replacement cost is
instrumental to the property insurance industry.
2The Journal of Risk and Insurance
524
The Influence of Sellers on Contract Choice: Evidence from Flood Insurance 3
Figure 1
Policyholder Coverage Limits for Three Insurers
Note: Figure shows the distribution of selected building coverage limits (relative to estimated
replacement cost) of new policyholders for three large insurersin the National Flood Insurance
Program.We selected these three insurers for purposes of illustration. A ratio equal to 1 indicates
full coverage, while a ratio greater than (less than) 1 indicates overinsurance (underinsurance).
The policyholders of Insurer A tend to fully insure (i.e., choose a coverage limit equal to their
home’s replacement cost) and never overinsure. In contrast, more than 30 percentof Insurer B’s
policyholders overinsure. Finally, about 40 percent of the policyholders of Insurer C partially
insure and approximately 15 percent overinsure.
is 4,645 percent of the expected loss. Paying such a large risk premium implies triple-
digit levels of relative risk aversion.2
2A back-of-the-envelope calculation for a representative household in our data indicates that
overinsuring would requirea coefficient of relative risk aversion of at least 117. For this calcula-
tion, we assume that the representative household has initial wealth of the mean replacement
cost for overinsuring households ($146,380), a 0.02 percent probabilityof $6,872 possible excess
damage, and must pay a $71.07 premium to cover this risk. This household is assumed to be an
expected utility maximizer with constant relative risk aversion, 1/(1 )x(1)with x>0. We
identify the minimum relative risk aversion for which the expected utility of overinsuring ex-
ceeds that of fully-insuring. A =117 is consistent with recent researchshowing the difficulty
of explaining households’ insurance decisions with expected utility.For example, households’
homeowners deductibles (Sydnor, 2010) and their decision to fully insure rather than par-
tially insure in the NFIP (Collier et al., 2017) each require triple-digit relative risk aversion.
We conduct a similar calculation for cumulative prospect theory, using a reference point of
no losses and no premiums paid and the parameters given by Tversky and Kahneman (1992).
While Sydnor (2010) and Collier et al. (2017) find that cumulative prospect theory can explain
households’ deductible and coverage limits, we find that it cannot explain overinsuring for
our representative household using this approach.
The Influence of Sellers on Contract Choice: Evidence from Flood Insurance 3
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