The Impacts of International Rape Laws Upon Official Rape Rates

AuthorDon Soo Chon,Janice E. Clifford
DOI10.1177/0306624X20952399
Date01 February 2021
Published date01 February 2021
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0306624X20952399
International Journal of
Offender Therapy and
Comparative Criminology
2021, Vol. 65(2-3) 244 –261
© The Author(s) 2020
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DOI: 10.1177/0306624X20952399
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Article
The Impacts of International
Rape Laws Upon Official
Rape Rates
Don Soo Chon1 and Janice E. Clifford2
Abstract
Relying on the official rape rates, previous cross-national researchers found a significant
and positive relationship between gender equality and the rates of reported rapes,
and they used such findings as supporting evidence of the backlash hypothesis that
increased gender equality leads to augmented violence against females. However,
such a conclusion may be faulty because of the contested validity and reliability of
the official rape rate. This study examined how the variation in a comprehensive legal
definition of rape is associated with the rates of reported rapes across 74 countries
by using the rates of reported rapes from the United Nations Office of Drugs and
Crime. The regression analysis suggests that the comprehensive legal definition of
rape, more than a country’s gender equality and developmental level, is related to
the official rape rate. A country records a high official rape rate when the country
includes a broad range of sexual assaults in the category of rape crime, suggesting a
reevaluation of the existing studies on this topic.
Keywords
rape law reform, legal definition of rape, validity and reliability of official rape rate,
cross-national study, feminist theories of victimization
Cross-national studies by Austin and Kim (2000) and Chon (2013) using police rape
rates from the Interpol (1995) and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
(UNODC, 2012), respectively, found a significant and positive relationship between
gender equality and cross-national rates of reported rapes. These researchers used such
1Auburn University, Montgomery, AL, USA
2Auburn University, Auburn, AL, USA
Corresponding Author:
Don Soo Chon, Department of Criminal Justice, Auburn University at Montgomery, 7071 Senator Dr.,
Montgomery, AL 36124-4023, USA.
Email: dchon@aum.edu
952399IJOXXX10.1177/0306624X20952399International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative CriminologyChon and Cliord
research-article2020
Chon and Clifford 245
findings as supporting evidence for the backlash hypothesis (Brownmiller, 1975;
Russell, 1975), whereby males use sexual assault as a tool to keep females in their infe-
rior positions when females achieve enhanced socio-economic status with improved
gender equality in a country. However, their conclusion may be faulty because the
validity and reliability of official rape statistics are questionable. Even in a highly
developed country, the rates of reported rapes based on police records are not accurate,
as up to 84% of rape incidents are not likely to be reported to the police (Yung, 2014).
Further, official rape rates for some countries (mostly developing countries) are more
likely than in others (mainly developed countries) to be underestimated.
Several factors, other than actual rape incidents, may contribute to the variation of
official rape rates among countries globally. Rape law reforms have occurred in
Western countries, such as the United States, Sweden, and Australia, resulting in sig-
nificant changes to the context of rape. First, the broadening of the legal definition of
rape led to the inclusion of an array of sexual assaults, such as marital rape and forced
oral and anal sex, as well as traditional penile-vaginal intercourse. Second, national
and state laws in some countries (e.g., Canada, England, Finland, the Republic of
Ireland, the United States, and Wales) expanded the “classic” definition of rape (reflec-
tive of a female victim and male perpetrator) (Notonty, 2002) to being gender-neutral
in recognizing a male as a rape victim and females as capable of committing the crime
of rape (Rumney, 2007).
In contrast to most Western and developed countries, rape law reforms have not
occurred in numerous developing countries globally, such as Egypt, Ghana, India, and
Lebanon. Consequently, a narrow range of sexual assaults is included in the legal defi-
nition of rape in these countries. Also, rape victims are likely to be reluctant to report
their victimization as social sensitivity toward sexual violence is relatively low, and
the criminal justice system’s response to rape victimization is slow in these countries
(Adinkrah, 2011; Htun & Jensenius, 2020; Randall & Venkatesh, 2015). Ahrens (2006)
found that rape survivors commonly experienced adverse social reactions when dis-
closing their experience with key community systems (e.g., legal, medical, mental
health, rape crisis centers, and religious community). These included being blamed for
the assault, receiving insensitive responses (i.e., doubting, lack of sympathy), and inef-
fective victim assistance (i.e., lack of help from support providers). Even when rape
victims reported, in some cases, the police refused to file a report or formally charge
the assailant with rape. As such, “negative reactions may thereby serve a silencing
function,” resulting in rape victims’ discontinuation of discussion about their experi-
ence to anyone (Ahrens, 2006, p. 265).
In short, it is possible that the rape law reform in Western countries has broadened
the net and brought more offenders into the criminal justice system in comparison
with the countries not experiencing rape law reform. Thus, the cross-national official
rape rates may be an artifact of the comprehensiveness of the legal definition of rape
across countries. In this study, the “comprehensive” legal definition of rape refers to
the definition that includes broad acts of sexual assaults in the crime of rape.
Consequently, a country that has a comprehensive legal definition of rape is likely to
record a higher rape rate than the one that has a non-comprehensive legal definition

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