The Impact of Police Killings on Proximal Voter Turnout

AuthorG. Agustin Markarian
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X221139142
Published date01 May 2023
Date01 May 2023
Article
American Politics Research
2023, Vol. 51(3) 414430
© The Author(s) 2022
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/1532673X221139142
journals.sagepub.com/home/apr
The Impact of Police Killings on Proximal
Voter Turnout
G. Agustin Markarian
1
Abstract
This paper studies how spatial proximity to pre-election police killings affects voter turnout. I argue that incidents of police
violence have neighborhood-level effects. Nearby voters are more likely to learn about proximal killings than those further
away. If perceived as unjust, police killings teach political lessons that reduce voterstrust in government and poli tical efcacy. In
turn, this impacts voter turnout. Observing the 2016 presidential election, I test this theory using geolocated voter data and a
difference-in-differences design with matched groups. I nd that pre-election police killings reduce vot er turnout by 3 per-
centage points in the killingsone-mile radius. Space and race matter. Police killings reduce Black voter turnout by 5.9 percentage
points in the killingsone-mile radius, but Black voters one to two miles away from the killings are unaffected. However, police
killings do not affect White and Latino voter turnout regardless of the distance.
Keywords
race and ethnicity, policing, voter turnout, contextual effects
Many civil rights activists believed that the police killing of
Michael Brown, an unarmed Black teenager, and the sub-
sequent protests in Ferguson, Missouri, would propel a new
civil rights movement targeted against a discriminatory and
punitive criminal justice system (Martino-Taylor et al., 2016).
In some ways, it did; the police killing of Michael Brown
changed local politics in Ferguson, Missouri. Voter turnout
increased in the subsequent local election, and the city
council became more representative of the citys demo-
graphics. After the killing of Michael Brown, police killings
of unarmed Black and brown men continued to fuel local
protests, and some local policy victories like police-worn
body cameras were achieved (Williamson et al., 2018;Levitz,
2016). However, the political consequences of police vio-
lence remain poorly understood (Soss & Weaver, 2017).
This paper argues that living near a pre-election police
killing reduces peoples likelihood of voting. Most police
killings are hyperlocal events; they receive little media
coverage, and local residents are more likely to know about
and be psychologically impacted by nearby killings (Bor
et al., 2018;Ang, 2020;Branton et al., 2021). Seemingly
unjust and aggressive policing practices, like police violence,
may mobilize or demobilize depending on the context
(Weaver & Lerman, 2010;Walker, 2014;White, 2019A).
However, research studying the neighborhood and contextual
effects of policing generally suggest that aggressive and
violent policing demobilizes entire communities (Burch,
2013;Kang & Dawes, 2017;Branton et al., 2021; for
exceptional cases, see Laniyonu, 2019). Specically, prox-
imity to police violence is linked to lower trust in government
and diminished external political efcacy (Silva et al., 2020;
Branton et al., 2021). In turn, less trust in government and
external efcacy represses turnout (Hooghe, 2017;Finkel,
1985). I further argue that police killings will be particularly
demobilizing for Black voters because local police killings
dampen Black Americanspolitical efcacy more than other
racial groups(Branton et al., 2021).
This paper leverages state voter les and comprehensive
data from Mapping Police Violence to study how police
killings affect voter participation rates. Of particular interest
are the spatial relationship between police killings and voters
and the contextual circumstances that may mediate voters
reactions to the killings, such as votersrace and ethnicity and
the victims armed status. This paper tests whether voters
living in places with a history of protests against police vi-
olence behave differently than those living in places without a
history of protests against police violence. Police killings
sometimes lead to local protests against police violence and
these protests are linked to increased voter mobilization,
1
Loyola University Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA
Corresponding Author:
G. Agustin Markarian, Loyola University Chicago,1000 W Sheridan Rd,
Coffey Hall 338, Chicago, IL 60660 USA.
Email: gmarkarian@luc.edu
potentially reversing police killingsdemobilizing effects
(Williamson et al., 2018;Enos et al., 2019).
Synthesizing research designs employed by Burch (2013),
White (2019A), and Ang (2020), this paper studies how pre-
election police killings in California, Florida, and Ohio af-
fected the participation rates of spatially proximal voters in
the 2016 general election. It does so by comparing the
participation rates of active registered voters living within a
mile of a police killing occurring before the 2016 general
election to the participation rates of active registered voters
living within a mile of a police killing occurring after the 2016
general election using a difference-in-differences (DiD) de-
sign. This research design controls for time-invariant and
national time-variant confounds, jointly leveraging the high
causal inference of a quasi-experiment and a DiD, while
providing individual-level data within spatially dened
neighborhoods.
Ind that voters living within a mile of a pre-election
police killings were 3 percentage points less likely to vote
than those in the control group. Police killings were partic-
ularly demobilizing when voters lived in closer proximity to a
killing, but generally had no effect on voters living more than
a mile away from the events. The effect of spatial distance
between ones home and a killing appears to be continuous
and robust. Furthermore, the ndings suggest that race
matters. Police killings particularly demobilize Black voters,
and police killings of Black victims are more demobilizing
than police killings of White and Latino victims. Victims
armed status does not appear to matter, and voters in cities
with more Black Lives Matter protests prior to the killings
were equally impacted.
This paper contributes to the literature on policing and
contextual factors shaping voting behavior by studying the
effects of proximal police violence on voter turnout, a
plausible but untested source of variation in voter partici-
pation rates. While the effects found in this study are small on
aggregate because police killings are relatively rare and the
effects are localized, the ndings help inform our under-
standing of the impact of police violence on voter behavior.
Lethal police violence demobilized communities and in-
creased racial inequities in the 2016 presidential election.
While police killings are relatively rare, other forms of police
violence are far more common. This research may help us
think about the consequences of non-lethal violence. Fur-
thermore, while this study focuses on spatial proximity as a
source of exposure, other forms of exposure may produce
similar effects on populations at further distances.
Contextual Effects and Local
Focusing Events
Political scientists are increasingly attuned to the fact that
salient and spatially proximal events cause changes in mass
political behavior (Cho & Gimpel, 2012;Velez & Martin,
2013;Bishop, 2014;Enos, 2016). Spatial proximity to violent
events appears to be politically transformative. For example,
Newman and Hartman (2019) nd that spatial proximity to
mass shootings increases support for restrictive gun control
policies, while Garcia-Montoya, Arjona, and Lacomb (2022)
nd that school shootings increase local support for Dem-
ocratic candidates but do not impact voter turnout.
1
Persistent violence is associated with lower levels of
political participation. While early research on criminal vi-
olence suggests that personal victimization is associated with
a higher propensity to vote (Bateson, 2012), scholars have
recently linked neighborhood criminal violence to voter
disenfranchisement (Trelles & Carreras, 2012). Using lon-
gitudinal data from Mexico, Trelles and Carreras (2012) nd
that an increase in the local homicide rate is associated with a
decrease in voter participation rates. They argue that voters
who experience greater levels of criminal violence in their
proximity have lower satisfaction with local political insti-
tutions and democratic practices (Fernandez & Kuenzi, 2010;
Carreras, 2013), which in turn leads to lower levels of
electoral participation. Similarly, various scholars nd that
fear of political violence in developing countries demobilizes
voters (Bratton, 2008). In general, research on the effects of
local violent events suggests that they have important spatial
components, though the effects appear to be localized to
smaller geographic units.
Police violence may have different repercussions on po-
litical behavior than criminal violence, however. Yet, a broad
array of scholarship suggests that residential proximity to
police violence causes various detrimental psychological
effects. Scholars nd that proximal police shootings affect
mental health, school performance, and crime reporting (Bor
et al., 2018;Ang, 2020;Desmond et al., 2016). Far from
causing small behavior changes, their substantive effects
have important implications for many outcomes we care
about as social scientists. For example, Ang (2020) nds that
students living within half a mile of a police shooting during
9th grade were 3.5 percent less likely to graduate from high
school and 2.5 percent less likely to attend college. Related
scholarship also nds that police violence and perceived
injustice aggravate attitudes towards law enforcement.
Desmond, Papachristos, and Kirk (2016) nd that following
the police beating of Frank Jude, an African American male
in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, city residents, particularly Black
residents, were less likely to report crimes relative to the pre-
treatment control group.
2
Police and Anti-Democratic Political Socialization
Research on police violence further suggests that negative
interactions with law enforcement, particularly those per-
ceived as violent or unjust reduce trust in policing (Weitzer &
Tuch, 2005;Nadal et al., 2017;Brunson & Miller, 2005;
Mullinix et al., 2020). For example, Weitzer and Tuch (2005)
nd that personal and vicarious experiences with police
misconductwere correlated with negative perceptions of law
Markarian 415

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