The Impact of Participation in Victim-Offender Mediation Sessions on Recidivism of Serious Offenders

Published date01 September 2018
Date01 September 2018
AuthorJanelle N. Beaudette,Tania Petrellis,Renée Laframboise,Jennie Thompson,Manon Buck,Lynn Stewart
DOI10.1177/0306624X17752274
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0306624X17752274
International Journal of
Offender Therapy and
Comparative Criminology
2018, Vol. 62(12) 3910 –3927
© The Author(s) 2018
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/0306624X17752274
journals.sagepub.com/home/ijo
Article
The Impact of Participation
in Victim-Offender Mediation
Sessions on Recidivism of
Serious Offenders
Lynn Stewart1, Jennie Thompson1,
Janelle N. Beaudette1, Manon Buck1,
Renée Laframboise1, and Tania Petrellis1
Abstract
The federal correctional agency in Canada offers victim–offender mediation services
to address serious crime. The current study used survival analysis to compare
revocation rates of 122 offenders who participated in facilitated face-to-face meetings
to a matched sample of 122 of non-participants. Results indicated that there was no
significant difference between revocation rates when offenders participated while
incarcerated, although the trend was that participants did better. When the meetings
were held in the community post-release, however, participants were significantly
more likely to spend a longer period of time under supervision in the community
without returning to custody and were less likely to be revoked than their matched
counterparts. The findings support participation in restorative justice sessions while
under community supervision for higher risk offenders with histories of serious
and violent crimes. The authors discuss how factors not controlled in the matching
procedure may have contributed to this effect.
Keywords
restorative justice, victim–offender mediation, correctional outcomes, revocation,
serious offenders
Restorative justice (RJ) is considered the “third” option to the traditional punitive
versus rehabilitation models typically employed in Western correctional systems
1Correctional Service of Canada, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada
Corresponding Author:
Lynn Stewart, Correctional Service of Canada, 340 Laurier Ave W, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada K1A 0P9.
Email: Lynn.stewart@csc-scc.gc.ca
752274IJOXXX10.1177/0306624X17752274International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative CriminologyStewart et al.
research-article2018
Stewart et al. 3911
(Leonard & Kenny, 2011; Zehr, 1990). The three pillars of the approach as articulated
by Zehr (1990) are to understand the harm that has been done and the needs that result
from that harm, to identify what must be done to right the wrong that has been com-
mitted and encourage accountability to right that wrong, and finally, to engage the
victim, offender, and the wider community in the process. RJ encourages outcomes
that promote responsibility, reparation, and healing for all (Latimer, Dowden, &
Muise, 2005; Leonard & Kenny, 2011). Rather than retribution, the relational engage-
ment of the offender, the victim(s), and the community is the cornerstone of the
approach.
Fundamentally, RJ recognizes that crime is not merely the act of breaking the law;
it is a violation of relationships and people (Zehr, 1990). Consequently, to appropri-
ately address the harm caused by the actions of the offender, it stands to reason that
those most closely related to the event (i.e., the victim, the offender, the community)
come together to discuss the offence, arrive at an understanding, and, where possible,
repair the harm caused by the crime. RJ has been developed into a comprehensive and
powerful theory of justice (Roach, 2000) and it has been argued that this model is
effective when addressing issues of victim and offender reintegration, particularly
from a community perspective (Llewellyn & Howse, 1998).
There are three main types of RJ models: (a) circles, (b) conferences, and (c) vic-
tim–offender mediation (VOM). They are all based on the principles of RJ and can be
used to address all offence types. The restorative process requires several elements to
be successful. First, participation by both the victim and the offender must be volun-
tary. The offender must be willing to accept responsibility for his or her actions and be
prepared to discuss the wrongful act. There should be open and honest dialogue
regarding the offender’s criminality and, if a face-to-face dialogue is deemed appropri-
ate, the meeting must take place in a safe environment. The presence of a third party
facilitator is required and discussions should meet the participants’ identified needs to
address the harms caused by the crime.
RJ programs differ from penal forms of justice as they do not solely focus on the
crime and the punitive consequences for the unlawful act. Instead, the focus is on who
has been harmed; how can the harms be addressed; and how the needs of all those
involved can be met. This can appeal to victims and communities that continue to deal
with the impact of crime. RJ advocates have long criticized research conducted on the
effectiveness of RJ interventions in reducing reoffending, contending that the central
goal of RJ is not a reduction in recidivism, but rather, a focus on reparation of the
harms caused by the offence.
Even if there is a lack of agreement on the goals for implementing RJ programs,
policy makers must have sound empirical evidence to support the application, or con-
tinued use, of RJ programs within government agencies. The debate continues despite
individual studies (see Bergseth & Bouffard, 2012; Bonta, Wallace-Capretta, &
Rooney, 1998; Hayes & Daly, 2003, 2004; Luke & Lind, 2002) and research reviews
and meta-analyses (see Bonta, Jesseman, Rugge, & Cormier, 2006; Bonta, Wallace-
Capretta, Rooney, & McAnoy, 2002; Latimer et al., 2005; Nugent, Williams, &

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