The impact of consumer inattention on insurer pricing in the Medicare Part D program

Published date01 December 2017
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1756-2171.12207
AuthorFiona Scott Morton,Kate Ho,Joseph Hogan
Date01 December 2017
RAND Journal of Economics
Vol.48, No. 4, Winter 2017
pp. 877–905
The impact of consumer inattention on
insurer pricing in the Medicare Part D
program
Kate Ho
Joseph Hogan∗∗
and
Fiona Scott Morton∗∗∗
The Medicare Part D program relies on consumer choice to provide insurers with incentives to
offer low-priced, high-quality pharmaceutical insurance plans. We demonstrate that consumers
switch plans infrequently and search imperfectly. We estimate a model of consumer plan choice
with inattentive consumers and show that high observed premiums are consistent with insurers
profiting from consumer inertia. We estimate the reduction in steady state plan premiums if all
consumers were attentive. An average consumer could save $1050 over three years; government
savings in the same period could amount to $1.3 billion or 1% of the cost of subsidizing the
relevant enrollees.
1. Introduction and motivation
The addition of pharmaceutical benefits to Medicare in 2006 was the largest expansion to
the Medicare program since its inception. Not only is the program large, it is also innovative in
design. Traditional Medicare Parts A and B are organized as a single-payer system; enrollees see
the physician or hospital of their choice and Medicare pays a preset fee to that provider, leaving no
role for an insurer. In contrast, Part D benefits are provided by private insurance companies that
receive a subsidy from the government as well as payments from their enrollees. The legislation
creates competition among plans for the business of enrollees, which is intended to drive drug
prices and premiums to competitive levels. Each Medicare recipient can choose among the plans
offered in her area based on monthly premiums, deductibles, plan formularies, out-of-pocket
Columbia University and NBER; kh2214@columbia.edu.
∗∗Columbia University; jph2154@columbia.edu.
∗∗∗Yale University and NBER; fiona.scottmorton@yale.edu.
Wethank Mark Duggan, Liran Einav,Gautam Gowrisankaran, Ben Handel, Robin Lee, Bentley MacLeod, AvivNevo, Eric
Johnson, and participants at numerous seminars and conferences for helpful comments. We especially thank Francesco
Decarolis for sharing his data with us. All errors are our own.
C2017, The RAND Corporation. 877
878 / THE RAND JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
costs (OOP costs or copayments) for drugs, and other factors, such as the brand of the insurer
and the quality of customer service.
The premise of the Part D program was that consumers’ ability to choose their preferred plan
would discipline insurers into providing lower prices and higher quality than would be achieved
through a government-run plan. Critically, these better outcomes require that consumers choose
effectively, so that demand shifts to plans that consumers prefer because they offer low prices or
high quality. If consumers choose plans randomly, a plan will have no incentive to lower its price
because this will not affect enrollment, and markups will be high. In contrast, if many consumers
choose to enroll in a plan that lowers its price, markups will fall as firms offer lower premiums to
consumers.
This article compares Part D plan pricing when some consumers are inattentive to the case
when all consumers are attentive. We demonstrate that, in reality, consumer choices are made
with substantial frictions. Consumers rarely switch between plans and do not consistently shop
for price and quality when they do switch. We provide evidence that, because of the absence
of strong disciplining pressures from consumers, insurers set prices above the level they would
choose if all consumers were attentive.Thus, plans extract high rents due to consumer inattention.
Not only would improved consumer search benefit consumers directly, it would also lead to plan
repricing that would save both consumers and the government significant sums. Our estimates
indicate that removing inattention and allowing prices to adjust while leaving other sources of
consumer preferences unchanged could reduce consumer expenditures by over$1000 per enrollee
over the three years 2007–2009. Under our assumptions, government program costs would fall by
$1.3 billion overthe same period due to plan repricing. We find that the insurer response—lowering
premiums—results in significant savings to both enrollees and taxpayers.
One concern when Part D began was that the prices the plans paid for drugs would rise be-
cause plans would lack the bargaining power of the government. Duggan and Scott Morton (2010)
demonstrate that this did not happen. Rather, prices for treatments bought by the uninsured elderly
fell by 20% when they joined Part D. Since the program’s inception, increases in pharmaceutical
prices have been restrained. This is due in part to aggressive use of generics by manyinsurers, but
also to insurers’ ability to bargain for rebates in exchange for favorable formulary placement and
therefore market share. According to Congressional Budget Office (CBO) estimates, drug costs
under the basic Part D benefit increased by only 1.8% per beneficiary from 2007–2010 net of
rebates. The remainder of plan expenditures—approximately 20% of total costs according to the
CBO—consists of administration, marketing, customer service, and like activities. The Personal
Consumption Expenditures (PCE) deflator for services during this same time period increased at
an average annual rate of 2.40%. Yet, despite these modest increases in the costs of providing a
Part D plan, premiums in our data were on average 62.8% higher in 2009 than they were in 2006,
the first year of the program, which corresponds to a 17.6% compound annual growth rate. The
CBO estimates indicate that plan profits and administrative expenses per beneficiary (combined)
grew at an average rage of 8.6% per year from 2007 to 2010.
These figures raise the question of why slow growth in the costs of drugs and plan admin-
istration were not passed back to consumers in the form of lower premiums. One possibility is
that Part D may be well designed to create competition among treatments that keeps the prices
of drugs low yet may not do so well at creating competition among plans in order to restrain the
prices consumers face. Because the program is 75% subsidized by the federal government, any
lack of effective competition wouldincrease government expenditures as well as consumer costs.
Our objective in this article is to investigate the extent to which consumer choice imperfections
in this market impede competition between plans.
Section 2 of the article describes the Medicare Part D program and discusses reasons for
search imperfections. In Sections 3 and 4, we review the literature related to consumer demand
with choice frictions, in Medicare Part D and elsewhere, and the dynamics of pricing in that
environment. In Section 5, we describe our data set, which provides detailed information on
the choices and claims of nonsubsidized enrollees in New Jersey. In Section 6, we observe that
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The RAND Corporation 2017.

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