The Impact of Bullying Victimization on School Avoidance
| Author | Allison Ann Payne,Kirsten L. Hutzell |
| Published date | 01 October 2012 |
| Date | 01 October 2012 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/1541204012438926 |
| Published By | Sage Publications, Inc. |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
10(4) 370-385
The Impact of Bullying
ª The Author(s) 2012
Reprints and permission:
Victimization on School
sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/1541204012438926
http://yvj.sagepub.com
Avoidance
Kirsten L. Hutzell1 and Allison Ann Payne2
Abstract
An increasing body of research is examining the effects of bullying among adolescents in elementary,
middle, and high school settings. Using data from the National Crime Victimization Survey: School
Crime Supplement 2007, this study explores the impact of bullying victimization on school
avoidance for 11,161 students between the ages of 12 and 18. More specifically, the authors
investigate the likelihood of students avoiding locations in or around schools due to perceived or
actual incidents of victimization. Results highlight the pervasiveness of peer aggression in schools
and provide further encouragement for the development of prevention and intervention tactics to
effectively mediate bully/victim issues.
Keywords
bullying, school victimization, school avoidance, peer aggression
An increasing body of research has examined the effects of bullying among adolescents in elemen-
tary, middle, and high school settings. Bullying occurs when an individual ‘‘is exposed, repeatedly
and over time, to negative actions on the part of one or more persons’’ (Olweus, 1991a, p. 47).
Furthermore, it ‘‘entails an imbalance in strength (or an asymmetrical power relationship), mean-
ing that students exposed to negative actions have difficulty defending themselves’’ (Olweus,
2003, p. 12). Boys who bully tend to use more overt or direct forms of peer harassment, such
as hitting, punching, or kicking, while girls are more likely to use covert or indirect forms of har-
assment in the manipulation of friendships or relationships with peers, such as spreading rumors or
malicious gossip (Greeff & Grobler, 2008). Covert bullying behaviors have been termed relational
aggression or relational victimization and are defined by actions that aim to significantly hurt or
harm another peer’s friendships or feelings of peer group inclusion (Crick & Grotpeter, 1995;
Greeff & Grobler, 2008).
1 Department of Criminology, Law and Society, George Mason University, Fairfax, VA, USA
2 Department of Sociology and Criminal Justice, Villanova University, Villanova, PA, USA
Corresponding Author:
Allison Ann Payne, Department of Sociology and Criminal Justice, Villanova University, 800 Lancaster Avenue, Villanova, PA
19085, USA
Email: allison.payne@villanova.edu
Hutzell and Payne
371
This phenomenon has drawn growing concern from parents, the school community, and
legislators, particularly following recent bullying-related suicides and other highly publicized inci-
dents in schools (Eckholm & Zezima, 2010). Adolescents who are targeted by peer bullying can suf-
fer from a number of unfavorable outcomes, including academic, behavioral, and psychological
problems (Attwood & Croll, 2006; Glew, Fan, Katon, Rivara, & Kernic, 2005; Juvonen, Nishina,
& Graham, 2000; Kochenderfer & Ladd, 1996a, 1996b; Mahady Wilton, Craig, & Pepler, 2000;
Meyer-Adams & Conner, 2008; Nansel, Overpeck, Pilla, Ruan, Simons-Morton, & Scheidt, 2001;
Slee, 1994; Storch, Brassard, & Masia-Warner, 2003; Townsend, Flisher, Chikobvu, Lombard, &
King, 2008). Consequently, youth who experience bullying adopt largely negative coping strategies
to combat the effects. Research has identified stunted academic progress, loneliness, depression, fear
of school, school avoidance, school disengagement, and suicidal ideations and behaviors as factors
that affect victimized adolescents (Arnette & Walsleben, 1998; Attwood & Croll, 2006; Glew et
al., 2005; Kim, Koh, & Leventhal, 2005; Kochenderfer & Ladd, 1996a, 1996b; Meyer-Adams &
Conner, 2008; Nansel, Overpeck, Hayne, Ruan, & Scheidt, 2003; Newman, Holden, & Delville,
2005; Slee, 1994; Storch, Brassard, & Masia-Warner, 2003; Townsend et al., 2008).
In this study, we focus on one of these negative outcomes: avoidance behaviors in educational
institutions. School avoidance refers to both the absence from school-related activities or other
events that involve student interactions and the circumvention of various places in or around the
school environment. Avoidance behaviors resulting from peer harassment can significantly hinder
academic achievement (Nansel et al., 2001; Townsend et al., 2008). Furthermore, frequent school
avoidance or absenteeism resulting from peer aggression may lead to dropping out of school alto-
gether (DeVoe & Chandler, 2005; Townsend et al., 2008).
Bully-Prone Locations
Before school avoidance can be examined further, it is important to understand the nature of bully-
prone locations or areas where research suggests students are most likely to be bullied. These find-
ings provide a foundation for understanding the potential for students to avoid certain locations in
and around schools. A limited number of studies have thoroughly investigated areas which are dan-
gerous or bully-prone. The results of research addressing bully-prone locations indicated that many
peer harassment episodes take place on the school playground or athletic field during recess and in
the classroom when a supervising authority figure is not present (Craig, Pepler, & Atlas, 2000;
Rapp-Paglicci, Dulmus, Sowers, & Theriot, 2004; Whitney & Smith, 1993). School corridors or
hallways were also spaces identified as common places for bullying (Astor, Meyer, & Behre,
1999; Sapouna, 2008; Whitney & Smith, 1993). Other locations or hotspots where bullying
occurred (but with less frequency) were the classroom when a teacher was present and the bus stop
(Rapp-Paglicci et al., 2004; Sapouna, 2008).
School Avoidance
Growing attention to bullying in schools has highlighted various unfavorable consequences for vic-
tims of peer harassment, including school avoidance. Avoidance behaviors are exemplified by the
circumvention of social interactions or certain places in the school due to fear of attack or harm
(DeVoe & Chandler, 2005; Juvonen et al., 2000; Mahady Wilton et al., 2000; Slee, 1994; Storch
et al., 2003). Because avoidance behaviors can adversely impact academic achievement and the
decision to drop out of school (DeVoe & Chandler, 2005; Nansel et al., 2001; Townsend et al.,
2008), it is necessary to develop a better understanding of how this works in order to avoid these
unfavorable outcomes.
372
Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice 10(4)
Similar to studies on bully-prone locations, there is limited research addressing peer aggression in
relation to school avoidance and the results of these studies are inconclusive. A small number of
studies do not find any relationship between bullying victimization and avoidance behaviors. Using
a cross-sectional design, Glew et al. (2005) analyzed the behavior of 3,530 students in grades three
through five in a public, West Coast school district and found no significant relationship between
school avoidance behaviors and peer victimization experiences. Similarly, Wolke, Woods, Bloom-
field, and Karstadt (2001a) used data from 1,639 students from 31 elementary schools and found no
association between bullying victimization and school absenteeism. Thus, these studies used large
samples of students enrolled in elementary or primary educational institutions and did not find a sig-
nificant association between victimization experiences and school avoidance (Glew et al., 2005;
Wolke et al., 2001a).
Other studies have mixed findings. Attwood and Croll (2006) assessed avoidance behaviors such
as absenteeism and dropout. Data from a sample of 770 students ages 11 to 15, taken from the British
Household Panel Survey, revealed little evidence supporting an association between peer victimiza-
tion and school avoidance. However, a smaller sample of 17 individual student interviews suggested
the opposite: Absenteeism from school may be precipitated by peer harassment incidents (Attwood
& Croll, 2006). Similarly, using data from the 1999 School Crime Supplement, Addington, Ruddy,
Miller, and DeVoe (1999) found that most students do not avoid extracurricular activities, class, or
school because they were fearful about peer victimization experiences; however, victimized youth
(i.e., students who self-reported peer victimization experiences) were more likely to report using one
or more avoidance behaviors. Finally, Chandler, Nolin, and Davis (1995) analyzed data from 6,504
students in the 1993 National Household Education Survey and found that avoidance behaviors as a
result of bullying victimization differed by school level, such that elementary and middle school stu-
dents were more likely to avoid school than high school students.
A larger body of research, however, does demonstrate an association between bullying victimi-
zation and avoidance behaviors in schools. A few studies have exclusively examined social avoid-
ance behaviors such as withdrawing from classroom interactions with peers (Mahady Wilton et al.,
2000; Storch et al., 2003). Analyzing videotapes of elementary school students as they interacted on
the playground and in the classroom, Mahady Wilton et al. (2000) found that coping behaviors used
by victimized youth can be divided into two dissimilar groups. Aggressive strategies, such as anger,
are often adopted by high-conflict or aggressive victims; these methods tend to increase the severity
of the bullying episode. By contrast, problem-solving strategies, such as acquiescence and social
withdrawal, were frequently adopted by more...
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