The Effect of Time Spent in Prison and Coping Styles on Psychological Distress in Inmates
| Author | Jeffrey E. Pfeifer,Michael Daffern,Jason L. Skues,Riley J. Luke,Justin S. Trounson,James R. P. Ogloff |
| Published date | 01 January 2021 |
| DOI | 10.1177/0032885520978475 |
| Date | 01 January 2021 |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
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Article
The Prison Journal
2021, Vol. 101(1) 60 –79
The Effect of Time Spent
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https://doi.org/10.1177/0032885520978475
DOI: 10.1177/0032885520978475
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Styles on Psychological
Distress in Inmates
Riley J. Luke1, Michael Daffern1, Jason L. Skues1,
Justin S. Trounson1, Jeffrey E. Pfeifer1,
and James R. P. Ogloff1
Abstract
Imprisonment can be an intensely stressful experience, and efforts to limit
distress are critical to prevent adverse events such as suicide. This study
examined whether time spent in prison predicted psychological distress in
young adult and adult prisoners, and whether coping style moderated this
relationship. While time spent in prison was not associated with distress,
the use of avoidance coping was associated with higher levels of prisoner
distress. Seeking social support was associated with lower levels of distress,
but only for older adult prisoners. These results can be drawn upon to guide
psychological treatments designed to lessen prisoner distress.
Keywords
distress, prison, coping style, age
Overview of Inmate Distress
Spending time in prison can be an inherently stressful experience (Skowroński
& Talik, 2018). While incarcerated, inmates are faced with a range of
1Swinburne University of Technology, Alphington, VIC, Australia
Corresponding Author:
Riley J. Luke, Swinburne University of Technology Centre of Forensic Behavioral Science,
Level 1, 582 Heidelberg Road, Alphington, Victoria 3078, Australia.
Email: riley.luke@outlook.com
Luke et al.
61
challenging and often unpredictable events (i.e., physical assault, sexual
assault, isolation, boredom, legal processes) that may cause or exacerbate
psychological distress (Armour, 2012; Brown & Ireland, 2006). In numerous
carceral populations, high levels of psychological distress have been identi-
fied, with many studies revealing associations between psychological dis-
tress and a range of negative health outcomes (Skowroński & Talik, 2018).
Specifically, inmate distress has been associated with high levels of self-harm
(Dear et al., 2001), suicide (Baidawi, 2017), anxiety, depression (Ireland
et al., 2005) and substance use disorders (Fazel et al., 2006). However, despite
widespread recognition of high levels of distress among the incarcerated,
little is known about the personal and social factors that are associated with
this distress, particularly those that are potentially modifiable and which may
then become a focus of treatment.
Factors Associated With Inmate Distress
Individual factors, such as time spent in prison and age, are thought to play
an important role in the development of inmate distress (Walker et al., 2014).
For instance, some researchers have suggested that individuals in prison may
experience “entry-shock” (Liebling et al., 2005), where distress is elevated
upon facility entry but decreases over time (Walker et al., 2014). However,
others have failed to observe such a relationship (see Brown & Ireland, 2006;
Van Harreveld et al., 2007), instead finding that distress levels remain con-
stant or even increase across the length of sentence.
Although results are mixed, what appears to be clear from the existing
research is that the relationship between time spent in prison and psychologi-
cal distress is likely complex and possibly influenced by additional factors.
For example, it has been suggested that young adult incarcerees’ tendency to
manage stress poorly may, over time, culminate in vulnerability to negative
psychological health outcomes (Ireland et al., 2005). There is also evidence
to suggest that older inmates typically experience a higher level of distress, as
age-related psychological and physical difficulties can compound the effect
of stressors faced during imprisonment (Wooldredge, 1999).
There are few studies to date that have examined the relationship between
inmate age, length of time in prison, and distress. Moreover, research that has
examined the impact of time in prison and age in relation to prisoner distress
has investigated these effects in isolation. As such, it is still unclear whether
these variables may interact with each other in a way that impacts inmate
distress. For example, a younger offender who has spent less time in prison
may experience a higher level of distress than an older individual who has
been incarcerated for a longer time. A key aim of the current study is to
62
The Prison Journal 101(1)
determine whether time spent in prison and age, in isolation and in combina-
tion, predict psychological distress.
Coping Style and Inmate Distress
Associations between coping style and psychological distress have been
delineated across various settings and populations (Tamres et al., 2002).
Coping style includes cognitive and behavioral strategies that are used to
manage a stressor, and the emotional responses to a stressor (Lazarus &
Folkman, 1984). Coping is shaped by situational demands, whereby the
effectiveness of various coping strategies varies according to context
(Amirkhan & Auyeung, 2007). For example, research has suggested that
when an individual experiences distress in response to an event that cannot be
altered, such as the death of a loved one, coping strategies aimed to alter
emotional responses to the situation may be most effective (Lazarus &
Folkman, 1984). However, the use of strategies aimed to remove or undo the
cause of distress may not be as effective in such a circumstance (Gullone
et al., 2000; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Since many of the stressors encoun-
tered by those in prison are unique to this environment and beyond their
control, it is important to understand which coping styles are effective here
and which are maladaptive. Moreover, it is important to note that coping
strategies that are effective in the community may not be as useful within a
prison setting. These are important questions to address, as psychological
treatments aiming to enhance coping should be sensitive to the carceral con-
text; otherwise, they may be ineffective or counterproductive.
A review of the research literature that explores coping in prison finds
there is still a level of ambiguity regarding which coping strategies are most
effective in reducing psychological distress and, further, whether age impacts
their effectiveness. For instance, avoidance coping, which includes active
attempts to avoid the stressor, has been associated with higher levels of psy-
chological distress among inmates (Ireland et al., 2006). However, the bene-
fits of avoidance coping have also been reported. For example, Gullone et al.
(2000) argued that avoidance coping strategies were associated with lower
levels of anxiety in imprisoned adults. These researchers also reported that
the use of emotion-focused coping strategies aimed at reducing and manag-
ing negative emotions surrounding a stressor were associated with a decrease
in psychological well-being in adult inmates. In contrast, Van Harreveld et al.
(2007) found that inmates who employ coping styles aimed at dealing with
the emotions surrounding a stressor tended to experience greater well-being.
They argued that this was due to a limited capacity to control the prison
environment.
Luke et al.
63
In both incarcerated young adults and adults, seeking social support from
others has been regarded as an effective coping style (Biggam & Power, 1997;
Van Harreveld et al., 2007). Specifically, receiving practical advice and com-
fort from others may act as a buffer against distress in inmates (Shulman &
Cauffman, 2011), reducing depressed mood (Van Harreveld et al., 2007) and
enhancing psychological adjustment to prison (Wooldredge, 1999).
A small body of research has explored the relationship between coping
styles and distress during imprisonment in young adult and juvenile offender
populations. Extant results suggest that the effectiveness of various coping
styles may differ according to inmate age. For instance, results from some
studies suggest that young and juvenile incarcerees who engaged in avoid-
ance (Grennan & Woodhams, 2007) and emotion-focused coping (Brown &
Ireland, 2006) noted higher levels of psychological distress. However, Ireland
et al. (2005) failed to observe a relationship between inmate distress and
avoidance coping. They concluded that this was a consequence of the pris-
on’s physical restrictions, resulting in reduced opportunities to remove one-
self from the stressor and having to rely on available coping strategies. They
also found that problem-focused coping styles, which involve directly deal-
ing with the stressor, were associated with lower levels of distress in both
juvenile and adolescent offenders (Ireland et al., 2005).
The Present Study
Although associations between coping style and inmate psychological dis-
tress have been identified, no research has explored how length of time in
prison and age may impact these relationships. This is important since the
effectiveness of some coping styles may differ with age and, also, there may
be particular times during imprisonment that are particularly distressing,
necessitating greater support and treatment. The current study aimed to
address this limitation by exploring the nature of the relationship between
time spent in prison and psychological distress in...
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