The Effect of the #MeToo Movement on Political Engagement and Ambition in 2018

AuthorLori Poloni-Staudinger,Jeremiah J. Castle,J. Cherie Strachan,Shannon Jenkins,Candice D. Ortbals
Published date01 December 2020
DOI10.1177/1065912920924824
Date01 December 2020
Subject MatterMini-Symposium: The Role of Gender in the 2018 Midterm Elections
https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912920924824
Political Research Quarterly
2020, Vol. 73(4) 926 –941
© 2020 University of Utah
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DOI: 10.1177/1065912920924824
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Mini-Symposium: The Role of Gender in the 2018 Midterm Elections
The emergence of the #MeToo movement in the after-
math of the 2016 election led to the conventional wisdom
that political engagement and ambition increased, partic-
ularly among Democratic women. Angered by President
Trump’s comments about how he treats women and moti-
vated by public accounts of the widespread nature of
sexual harassment and assault brought to light by the
nascent #MeToo movement, people took to the streets for
marches, protests, and rallies (Chenoweth and Pressman
2017; Tambe 2018). Some argue that people became
more aware of sexual harassment as a result of the
#MeToo movement and, thus, more inclined to partici-
pate in politics (Jordan et al. 2018; Lah and Moya 2018;
Shugerman 2018). According to a Kaiser poll, nearly 10
percent of all respondents indicated they had joined a
rally or protest either in opposition to or in support of the
Trump presidency since 2016, and nearly four in ten said
they planned to become more involved in political causes
in 2018 (Jordan et al. 2018). In 2018, record numbers of
women ran for Congress, with many motivated by their
desire to hold sexual harassers and assaulters accountable
(Dittmar 2018; Lah and Moya 2018). Thus, popular
accounts and emerging research on the topic suggest
increased focus on sexual harassment from the #MeToo
movement fueled anger, engagement, and ambition in
2018.
Despite conventional wisdom, we are not aware of any
existing academic studies that investigate #MeToo’s
effects on awareness, engagement, and ambition. While
the literature suggests that anger can trigger political
mobilization, it also identifies several factors that may
limit the movement’s impact, and perhaps even demobi-
lize some audiences. First, the effect of emotions on polit-
ical participation is complex, with some emotions, like
anger, triggering mobilization, while other emotions, like
924824PRQXXX10.1177/1065912920924824Political Research QuarterlyCastle et al.
research-article2020
1Central Michigan University, Mount Pleasant, USA
2University of Massachusetts Dartmouth, USA
3Pepperdine University, malibu, CA, USA
4Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff, USA
Corresponding Author:
Jeremiah J. Castle, Lecturer of Political Science, Central Michigan
University, Anspach Hall 247, Mount Pleasant, MI 48859, USA.
Email: jeremycastle15@gmail.com
The Effect of the #MeToo Movement on
Political Engagement and Ambition in
2018
Jeremiah J. Castle1, Shannon Jenkins2, Candice D. Ortbals3,
Lori Poloni-Staudinger4, and J. Cherie Strachan1
Abstract
Conventional wisdom holds that the #MeToo movement increased awareness of sexual harassment and drove
sympathizers, particularly women, to increased participation in the 2018 midterm elections. In this paper, we assess
whether #MeToo increased awareness of sexual harassment, as well as whether #MeToo increased self-reported
interest in various forms of political participation. Using an original dataset from October 2018, we find that although
the #MeToo movement increased awareness and concern about sexual harassment and sexual assault, it did not
affect interest in political participation among most Americans. We also find that the people most likely to report
being aware of and mobilized by the movement were Democrats, those with high levels of political interest, and those
who have personally experienced sexual harassment in professional settings. Surprisingly, in most of our models,
women were no more likely to report that #MeToo increased their interest in participating than men. The results
suggest that the primary effect of #MeToo may have been increasing the salience of sexual harassment and interest
in political participation in 2018 among those who possessed the resources to participate and who were ideologically
predisposed to support the movement’s goals from the beginning.
Keywords
#MeToo movement, women and politics, political participation, partisanship
Castle et al. 927
anxiety, have a demobilizing effect. For instance, sexual
assault and harassment may be demobilizing as such
experiences can induce anxiety, which has been found to
suppress costly forms of political participation, like
attending a rally or donating to a campaign (Tambe 2018;
Valentino et al. 2011). In addition, in a polarized political
environment, the responses of the parties and partisans
can be key to influencing public opinion, leading to dif-
ferent effects of the #MeToo movement on Republicans
and Democrats. Evidence also indicates that negative
experiences associated with political activism, ranging
from loss of privacy and interpersonal conflict to becom-
ing the target of sexism and/or racism, can decrease polit-
ical engagement and ambition (Lawless and Fox 2015;
Mutz 2006; Shames 2017), and as awareness of the chal-
lenges associated with running for office increases, politi-
cal ambition decreases (Foos and Gilardi 2019). Finally,
the #MeToo movement has been criticized for prioritiz-
ing white women’s sexual harassment and assault, which
may mute the mobilizing effect on people of color (Soucie
et al. 2018; Tambe 2018). Thus, previous research pro-
vides multiple reasons to question conventional wisdom
regarding the #MeToo movement’s link to political
mobilization.
In this paper, we use data from an original survey con-
ducted in October 2018 to assess whether the #MeToo
movement increased awareness and concern regarding
sexual harassment on the eve of the 2018 midterm elec-
tions. We find that a majority of respondents self-reported
that #MeToo raised their awareness and concern regard-
ing sexual harassment; however, in multivariate analysis,
we find that Democrats, those who have personal experi-
ence being sexually harassed and/or assaulted, and those
with high levels of political interest were most likely to
report that the movement increased their awareness/con-
cern. In other words, those most likely to be persuaded
that this issue is a threat were the ones who were already
most apt to respond to the movement’s messaging.
Second, we examine whether #MeToo affected self-
reported interest in various forms of political participa-
tion immediately prior to the 2018 midterm elections.
Overall, we find that the #MeToo movement had little
impact on most people’s propensity to participate in poli-
tics. It did affect some, although for all forms of political
participation except voting, more people reported a
demobilizing effect than a mobilizing effect. Moreover,
those most likely to report a mobilizing effect fell into
two basic categories: those who already possess the
resources to participate (including those with a high level
of interest in politics) and those who were ideologically
predisposed to support the group’s message (Democrats
and those who have experienced workplace discrimina-
tion personally). Surprisingly, we find that gender was
not a statistically significant predictor of propensity to
participate in any of the models, despite popular accounts
that #MeToo mobilized women. Thus, while #MeToo’s
efforts to highlight the prevalence of sexual harassment
and assault are undoubtedly important for numerous rea-
sons, our findings complicate the conventional wisdom
about #MeToo’s impact on political engagement and
ambition in the 2018 midterm elections.
Literature Review
Sex and gender played an extraordinary role in the 2016
election and its aftermath (Nelson 2018). Hillary Rodham
Clinton achieved history, becoming the first woman to
run for president as a major party nominee. Donald
Trump’s candidacy was historic in a different way, includ-
ing his lengthy record of sexist and misogynist com-
ments, such as the leaked Access Hollywood tape (Nelson
2018). Trump’s victory triggered rage among feminists
(e.g., Chait 2017), leading to the Women’s March of 2017
and numerous other protests. The news of Harvey
Weinstein’s lengthy history of sexual harassment and
abuse further stoked this rage, leading victims to share
their own experiences with harassment using the hashtag
#MeToo to demonstrate the magnitude of the problem.
The phrase “Me Too” was initially linked to sexual
harassment and assault by community activist Tarana
Burke in 2006 to draw attention to stories of sexual
assault survivors and to achieve “empowerment through
empathy” (Rodino-Colocino 2018). The hashtag #MeToo
went viral in 2017 after a tweet from actress and activist
Alyssa Milano (Rodino-Colocino 2018), and #MeToo
grew into a movement mobilized primarily through social
media to provide a sense of solidarity and empowerment
for sexual harassment and assault survivors (Mendes
et al. 2018). According to the Pew Research Center, the
#MeToo hashtag was used more than 19 million times as
of October 2018, with use surging around important
political events (Anderson and Toor 2018). Facebook
estimates that almost 50 percent of U.S. users are friends
with someone who posted a message about experiences
with sexual assault or harassment (Tambe 2018). The
most immediate consequences of the movement included
the firing or resignation of numerous celebrities whose
history of sexual harassment and/or assault was high-
lighted by survivors’ accounts shared via #MeToo posts.
Heading into the 2018 midterm elections, a common
media narrative held that women’s anger was translating
to increased political activism (e.g., Freeman 2018).
Social science suggests this account is plausible: people
experiencing powerful emotions like anger (Huddy,
Feldman, and Cassese 2007; Mutz 2006), threat
(Campbell 2004), and anxiety (Valentino et al. 2011) are
more likely to engage in a variety of political activities,
particularly voting. Other factors, though, may have

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