The Economic Roots of Anti-immigrant Prejudice in the Global South: Evidence from South Africa

Published date01 March 2018
Date01 March 2018
DOI10.1177/1065912917734062
Subject MatterArticles
/tmp/tmp-17b0e4RYEdVXEa/input 734062PRQXXX10.1177/1065912917734062Political Research QuarterlyHarris et al.
research-article2017
Article
Political Research Quarterly
2018, Vol. 71(1) 228 –241
The Economic Roots of Anti-immigrant
© 2017 University of Utah
Reprints and permissions:
sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav
Prejudice in the Global South:
https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912917734062
DOI: 10.1177/1065912917734062
journals.sagepub.com/home/prq
Evidence from South Africa
Adam S. Harris1, Michael G. Findley2, Daniel L. Nielson3,
and Kennard L. Noyes4
Abstract
Most research in developed countries on prejudice toward foreign-born minorities suggests that cultural rather than
economic threat motivates xenophobia. Prior studies leave unanswered questions about the origins of anti-immigrant
prejudice in developing countries, where one-third of worldwide immigration occurs. Alternatively, developing-
country research simply assumes that economic threat drives prejudice in the global South but has not presented
credible empirical evidence. In this study, we seek to reliably measure anti-immigrant prejudice and examine possible
determinants of prejudice and prejudice-based voting behavior. Through a list experiment conducted on a random
sample of South Africans (N = 1,088), we investigate the predictive power of economic threat theory in explaining
prejudice toward immigrants in South Africa. The results show that significant prejudice toward immigrants exists
among South Africans and that such prejudice is higher among the unemployed, but these sentiments do not seem to
influence vote choice. The evidence suggests that the determinants of anti-immigrant sentiments due to South-South
migration are distinct from South-North migration.
Keywords
South Africa, immigration, xenophobia, economic threat, voting
In early 2015, violence against immigrants erupted in
South-North migration. Roughly 36 percent of the global
South Africa, resulting in the deaths of seven immigrants,
world migration takes place within the global South and
the displacement of thousands, and military intervention to
35 percent from the global South to the North (United
stop the attacks (Al Jazeera 2015b; Nicolson 2015). Yet
Nations 2013). Although anti-immigrant sentiments are
President Jacob Zuma reassured the world that South
common throughout the world, scholarly attention to the
Africans are “generally not xenophobic,” and thousands of
dynamics in developing countries lags behind, begging
citizens took to the streets to protest the violent outbreaks
the question of what drives South-South xenophobic sen-
and the prejudice motivating them (Al Jazeera 2015a,
timents and behavior. In addition, anti-immigrant, far
2015b). However, prior patterns in the country suggest that
right parties have not emerged in developing countries
xenophobia may be widespread, though the evidence is
like they have in Europe, and yet there exists strong and
anecdotal rather than systematic. Indeed, the 2015 violence
widespread anti-immigrant sentiment in much of the
was only one of the most recent anti-immigrant attacks in
developing world (Adida 2014; Crush and Ramachandran
the country. In May 2008, at least seventy immigrants were
2010). It seems that politicians have not exploited these
killed at the hands of rioting South Africans, thousands of
feelings to gain political support. Do anti-immigrant
immigrants were displaced (Misago, Landau, and Monson
2009), and a number of attacks and anti-immigrant protests
1
took place in February 2017.
University College London, UK
2
Scholarly attention to anti-immigrant sentiments has
University of Texas at Austin, USA
3Brigham Young University, Provo, UT, USA
arisen in the context of a diversifying Europe and the rise
4University of Virginia, Charlottesville, USA
of extremist right parties (Sides and Citrin 2007; Corresponding Author:
Sniderman, Hagendoorn, and Prior 2004). However,
Adam S. Harris, University College London, 30 Tavistock Square,
according to the United Nation’s International Migration
Bloomsbury, London WC1H 9QU, UK.
Report of 2013, South-South migration is as common as
Email: adam.s.harris@ucl.ac.uk

Harris et al.
229
sentiments translate into political preferences in the
The paper is organized as follows. The next section
developing world, as they seem to do in many developed
reviews the literature and theories of prejudice, highlight-
democracies? This paper takes a first step in answering
ing, in particular, economic threat theory. The following
this question.
section provides contextual details about South Africa,
Existing explanations for anti-immigrant attitudes and
including its history of anti-immigrant violence. The
behaviors are rooted in theories of economic and cultural
experimental research design and data are then presented,
threat with the preponderance of evidence pointing
followed by the analysis and results, which show that
toward cultural considerations and only to a lesser extent
anti-immigrant prejudice (1) clearly exists in South
to personal economic motivations (Hainmueller and
Africa, (2) is best explained by economic threat, but (3)
Hopkins 2014). Some research nonetheless identifies the
does not appear to correlate with prospective voting
importance of economic considerations with an emphasis
behavior. The final section concludes with a discussion of
on competition for jobs (Hainmueller and Hiscox 2007;
external validity and the limitations of the study.
Misago, Landau, and Monson 2009; Scheve and Slaughter
2001). In sum, however, studies in developed countries
mostly provide systematic evidence in support of the cul-
Theorizing Prejudice
tural origins of xenophobia, whereas research on devel-
Economic Threat Theory
oping countries, including South Africa, has not
systematically or reliably investigated the economic or
Economic threat theory contends that prejudice results
cultural sources of anti-immigrant prejudice. Given that
from competition over scare resources, of which jobs are
most evidence suggests that economic threat drives anti-
the most salient (Bekker et al. 2008; Dancygier 2010;
immigrant sentiment in the developing world (i.e., Esses et al. 2001; Fetzer 2000; Hanson, Sheve, and
Misago, Landau, and Monson 2009), we focus our study
Slaughter 2007; Koopmans 1996; Landau 2010; Luttmer
on investigating the explanatory power of economic
2001; Oliver and Mendelberg 2000; Scheepers et al.
threat while controlling for culture threat to test the con-
2002; Scheve and Slaughter 2001). Others have found
ventional wisdom that economic competition for jobs
that relative skill levels of natives and migrants matter
drives anti-immigrant prejudice in the global South.
(Mayda 2006) and that increased education levels may
We employed two list experiments to address social-
moderate prejudice, as education is positively correlated
desirability bias in admitting prejudiced attitudes in South
with favorable attitudes toward immigration (Chandler
Africa. We first measure the level of anti-immigrant sen-
and Tsai 2001; Hainmueller and Hiscox 2007).
timent using the list-experimental technique and show
Studies of immigrant prejudice in South Africa present
that widespread prejudice does, indeed, appear to exist in
anecdotal and qualitative evidence showing that South
the country beyond the relatively few perpetrators of the
Africans are generally prejudiced toward immigrants.
recent violence. Through subgroup analysis, we then con-
These studies suggest that socioeconomic circumstances
sider the main determinants of prejudice toward immi-
such as relative deprivation are important determinants of
grants and show that sensitivity to the item measuring
immigrant prejudice. This is inferred from the fact that
xenophobia in the list experiment varied systematically
the attacks noted above took place largely in poor areas
across categories of employment status. Indeed, we find
(Croucher 1998; Hassim, Kupe, and Worby 2008;
that the unemployed are significantly more likely to feel
Misago, Landau, and Monson 2009). Methodologically,
prejudice toward immigrants. This finding provides sys-
the studies arguing that xenophobia is economically
tematic, empirical support to claims that economic threat
driven use expert, victim, perpetrator, and civilian inter-
is correlated with prejudice against immigrants in South
views (i.e., Misago, Landau, and Monson 2009) or his-
Africa (i.e., Scheve and Slaughter 2001). To our knowl-
torical, theoretical, or normative analyses (Croucher
edge, this is the first systematic study of the role played
1998; Crush 2000). Given these studies, South Africa’s
by economic conditions in anti-immigrant prejudice in
economic challenges, history of xenophobic violence,
the global South.
and high unemployment rate all suggest circumstantial
Although we find that unemployment appears to be a
evidence that immigrants are perceived as an economic
key correlate of prejudice toward immigrants, this preju-
threat by low-skilled, unemployed, less-educated, and
dice does not appear to translate into political behavior as
poor South Africans. However, this evidence is merely
manifested in willingness to vote for parties who propose
suggestive and would benefit from an approach that can
stricter immigration laws. We find that although the unem-
both overcome the measurement bias associated with
ployed are more likely...

To continue reading

Request your trial

VLEX uses login cookies to provide you with a better browsing experience. If you click on 'Accept' or continue browsing this site we consider that you accept our cookie policy. ACCEPT