The Driving Forces of Stability

Date01 September 2013
Published date01 September 2013
DOI10.1177/0095399712438377
AuthorCaelesta Braun
Subject MatterArticles
Administration & Society
45(7) 809 –836
© 2012 SAGE Publications
DOI: 10.1177/0095399712438377
aas.sagepub.com
438377AAS45710.1177/009539971
2438377BraunAdministration & Society
© 2012 SAGE Publications
1University of Antwerp, Belgium
Corresponding Author:
Caelesta Braun, ACIM—Antwerp Centre for Institutions and Multi-Level Politics, Department
of Political Science, University of Antwerp, De Meerminne, Room M.286, Sint-Jacobstraat 2,
2000 Antwerp, Belgium.
Email: caelesta.braun@ua.ac.be
The Driving Forces of
Stability: Exploring the
Nature of Long-Term
Bureaucracy–Interest
Group Interactions
Caelesta Braun1
Abstract
This article explores the nature of long-term interactions between bureau-
crats and interest groups by examining two behavioral logics associated with
stability in public policy making. In addition to the implicit short-term strategic
choices that usually feature in resource-exchange explanations of interest
group access to policy makers, this article shows that bureaucracy–interest
group interactions are likely to be dictated by routine behavior and antici-
pating future consequences as well. By drawing on survey and face-to-face
interview data of Dutch senior civil servants and interest groups, the analyses
reveal that a practice of regular consultations, the need for political support,
and a perceived influential position together explain why bureaucrats maintain
interactions with interest groups. The combination of these behavioral logics
adds important explanatory leverage to existing resource-exchange explana-
tions and shows that organizational processes as well as long-term strategic
considerations should be taken into account to fully explain bureaucracy–
interest group interactions.
Article
810 Administration & Society 45(7)
Keywords
administrative behavior, bureaucratic politics, interest group inuence
Introduction
Public bureaucracies often consult interest groups, such as business associa-
tions, labor unions, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and work
together with them on a regular basis. These consultation practices not only
provide an important opportunity for interest groups to exert influence on
public decision making (Beyers & Kerremans, 2004; Maloney, Jordan, &
McLaughlin, 1994) but also provide interest groups an opportunity to main-
tain access to public policy making over an extended period of time, thereby
enhancing their potential influence on policy outcomes (cf. Baumgartner,
Berry, Hojnacki, Kimball, & Leech, 2009). Most studies of interest group
access to policy makers, however, aim to explain why interest groups obtain
access rather than why they maintain access. So-called resource-exchange
approaches of interest group access to policy making hypothesize that by
offering useful policy information, such as expertise and information about
constituency support, commonly known as access goods (Bouwen, 2004),
interest groups are able to get a foot in the government’s door because policy
makers lack such policy information (see Dur, 2008; Hall & Deardorff, 2006,
for a discussion). The central mechanism that drives these explanations is the
assumption that public officials deliberately choose a certain set of interest
groups with which they prefer to interact, based on the type and quality of
the policy information they have to offer. This implies that policy makers
deliberately choose certain interest groups with which they interact and that
they can end these interactions as soon as these interest groups are no longer
capable of offering the required policy information.
This implication contrasts with the everyday reality of policy making,
where policy communities, in which public agency officials, politicians, and
interest groups commonly figure, are quite stable and only occasionally inter-
rupted by major changes. This pattern of policy stability and occasional punc-
tuations (Baumgartner et al., 2009; Baumgartner & Jones, 1993) suggests
that the strategic implications associated with policy good exchanges only
partially explain bureaucracy–interest group interactions. Furthermore, most
aggregate analyses of policy networks and communities cannot reveal
whether the individual interactions that add-up to stable policy communities
are always characterized by mutually beneficial exchanges or whether other
behavioral mechanisms underpin such interactions.

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