The Criminal Narrative Experience of Psychopathic and Personality Disordered Offenders
| Published date | 01 March 2019 |
| DOI | 10.1177/0306624X18808433 |
| Author | Maria Ioannou,Katie Goodlad,Melanie Hunter |
| Date | 01 March 2019 |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
research-article2018
Original Manuscript
International Journal of
Offender Therapy and
The Criminal Narrative
Comparative Criminology
2019, Vol. 63(4) 523 –542
Experience of Psychopathic
© The Author(s) 2018
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and Personality Disordered
https://doi.org/10.1177/0306624X18808433
DOI: 10.1177/0306624X18808433
journals.sagepub.com/home/ijo
Offenders
Katie Goodlad1,2, Maria Ioannou1,
and Melanie Hunter2
Abstract
Given the challenges associated with psychopathic and personality disordered
offenders, further insight is needed. One way of doing this is by looking at offending
from the first-person perspective. The study investigated the criminal narrative
experience (CNE) of this population during the commissioning of crimes. Twenty-
two high-risk male offenders were recruited and a questionnaire design was used.
The data were analysed using Smallest Space Analysis which revealed four themes
consistent with Ioannou, Canter, and Youngs’s CNE framework: depressed victim,
distressed revenger, calm professional, and elated hero. Independent samples t tests
explored whether personality disorders related to CNE themes, and Pearson’s
product–moment correlation was used to explore the relationship between
psychopathy and the CNE themes. Borderline personality disorder identified
with the depressed victim. Paranoid and schizoid personality disorders did not
identify with the calm professional. There was no significant relationship between
psychopathy and the CNE themes. The theoretical and practical implications are
discussed.
Keywords
criminal narratives, criminal narrative experience, narrative theory, emotions,
psychopathy, personality disorder
1University of Huddersfield, UK
2HM Prison Frankland, Durham, UK
Corresponding Author:
Katie Goodlad, Department of Psychology, University of Huddersfield, Queensgate, Huddersfield HD1
3DH, UK.
Email: katie.goodlad@hmps.gsi.gov.uk
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International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 63(4)
Introduction
Although once ignored and regarded as untreatable, personality disorder (PD) and
psychopathy have been given more attention since the implementation of initiatives
such as the offender personality disorder (OPD) pathway (formerly dangerous and
severe personality disorder programme [DSPD]). Such initiatives were introduced
because of the disproportionate amount of serious crime committed by this population
(Kiehl & Hoffman, 2011). The OPD pathway draws on psychologically informed ser-
vices to manage complex and challenging offenders who have severe PD and pose a
high risk of harm to others or of reoffending (National Offender Management Service
[NOMS], 2011).
PD is defined by unusual and persistent traits affecting a person’s ability to cope
with life (Jarrett, 2006). Despite concerns regarding the classification system (e.g.,
Jarrett, 2006), the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) iden-
tified 10 PDs arranged into three clusters. Cluster A PDs are considered odd and
eccentric and consist of paranoid, schizoid, and schizotypal. Cluster B PDs are consid-
ered dramatic and erratic and consist of antisocial, borderline, histrionic, and narcis-
sistic. Cluster C PDs are considered anxious and fearful and consist of avoidant,
dependent, and obsessive–compulsive (see Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of
Mental Disorders [5th ed.; DSM-5]; American Psychiatric Association, 2013, man-
ual). This system is useful because it provides a basis for diagnosis and treatment.
Although not categorised a PD, psychopathy is considered a severe form of antisocial
PD. It is defined as a chronic mental disorder with abnormal or violent social behav-
iour. It emphasises affective and interpersonal traits such as superficial charm, patho-
logical lying, egocentricity, lack of remorse, and callousness (Coleman, 2008).
Although not limited to offenders, research indicates the prevalence of PD and
psychopathy is heightened within a criminal context (NOMS, 2011). An estimated 4%
to 11% of the U.K. population have a PD (Coid, Yang, Tyrer, Roberts, & Ullrich,
2006), and 60% to 70% of them are in prison (NOMS, 2011). Hare (2003) estimated
1% of the general population were psychopaths, and Coid et al. (2009) found 7.7% of
male prisoners in England and Wales were diagnosed with psychopathy. Furthermore,
Kiehl and Hoffman (2011) argued those with psychopathy were 20 to 25 times more
likely to be in custody. It is important initiatives have been developed to address the
challenges associated with this population (e.g., the OPD pathway). These challenges
include recidivism (Hemphill, Hare, & Wong, 2011), control problems in custody
(Coid, 2002), and resistance to treatment (Kiehl & Hoffman, 2011). Further insight is
needed into this population given the link between PD and offending is well estab-
lished, but a full understanding of the relationship between them is lacking (Davison
& Janca, 2012).
Narrative Theory
One way of developing insight into this population is by looking at offending from a
first-person perspective, which can highlight the underlying psychological processes
Goodlad et al.
525
driving behaviour (Yang & Mulvey, 2012). Narrative theory asserts that individuals
make sense of the world and their place in it by constructing stories with themselves
as the main character (Habermas & Bluck, 2000). This becomes their narrative (per-
sonal story) which incorporates sequences of events, mental states, experiences, and
occurrences (Bruner, 1990). The stories people convey about incidents and experi-
ences in their life, as well as their lives in general, form the basis of narrative data.
These stories portray the significance the individual places on their experiences and
provide an understanding of how meaningful it was to them (Singer, 2004). Stories are
readily used as a tool to explain things and are a rich data set to explore how people
understand their own lives (Polkinghorne, 1996).
McAdams (1993, 2001) proposed personal narratives drive behaviour and life sto-
ries are governed by an underlying structure of motivation characterised by “agency”
and “communion.” Individuals try to assert their power and control (agency) and to
connect to others and develop relationships encompassing love and intimacy (com-
munion). This motivational structure is echoed by Abele and Wojciszke (2007), and
the distinction defines narrative roles. However, it is argued there are a limited number
of narrative roles within each culture as there are limits to the conceptualisation of life
stories (Canter & Youngs, 2009).
Research into narratives highlighted the value in subjective accounts to understand
core beliefs, roles adopted, and choice of which details to highlight rather than focus-
ing on objective truth (Zechmeister & Romero, 2002). The strengths of this approach
include gaining a deeper understanding of the internal world and identifying targets
for change which are reflected in studies of this approach in a criminal context. This
became known as criminal narratives.
Criminal Narratives
Criminal narratives are the way an individual sees themselves during the commission-
ing of crime and how they make sense of that. The narrative approach embraces the
assumption that the environment and situation are influenced by individual perspec-
tives of what happens in their life (Presser, 2012). Therefore, knowing an offender’s
background and understanding their interpretation of the crime are fundamental
(Ferrell, 1999).
Presser (2009) did, however, raise the point of authenticity in offender accounts.
Given offenders are routinely asked to explain their actions, they face having to bal-
ance what they did with the way they present now (McKendy, 2006). This is pertinent
given they are rewarded with incentives such as parole for presenting in certain ways.
It is therefore suspected that narratives provided are strategic (Goffman, 1971). Presser
(2009), however, highlighted that narratives are not concerned with truth in terms of
what happened but rather the way an offender viewed themselves and are primarily
about recalling experience. It is therefore argued criminal narrative data are much like
other data sources (e.g., crime reports and victim statements) in that there will always
be limitations regarding authenticity (Presser, 2009) but there is value in exploring it.
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International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 63(4)
This value relates to developing an understanding of personal perspectives to inform
insight into criminal behaviour.
Canter (1994) considered offenders a unique group within the general population,
and Youngs and Canter (2011) proposed the Criminal Narrative Framework (CNF).
The CNF consists of four roles that offenders adopt while committing crime: the “vic-
tim,” “professional,” “hero,” and “revenger”. The framework aimed to help under-
stand crime and why individuals engaged in, and abstained from, offending. Canter
and Youngs (2009) and then Ioannou, Synnott, Reynolds, and Pearson (2018) described
an offender living out a Victim role as feeling powerless and helpless. They live in a
world where nothing matters and nothing makes sense. A Professional wants control
over their environment and offending is satisfying. A Hero does not feel guilt or anxi-
ety over...
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