The Content Distinction
| Pages | 23-42 |
| Author | Daniel A. Farber |
23
Chapter 2
THE CONTENT DISTINCTION
The content distinction is the core concept in modern First
Amendment doctrine. Government regulations lin ked to the content
of speech generally receive severe judicial scrutiny. In contrast, when
government is regulating speech, but the regulation is unrelated to
content, the level of scrutiny is lower. Within the category of content-
based regulations, those relating to the viewpoint expressed by the
speaker are more severely disfavored than those based on subject
matter or other message characteristics. As we will see, these rules
are subject to exceptions and qualifications, and they are sometimes
applied oddly. Nevertheless, they do provide overall principles that
apply in a broad range of cases.
We will begin by mapping out these rules, before turning to more
technical issues, such as the exceptions to the rules and the
definitions of the various forms of content discrimination. We then
evaluate the scholarly debate over the content distinction.
I. The Content Distinction in Operation
A stark description of the content distinction, like that give n
above, can give only a rough idea of its actual operation. In this
section, we will examine the case that first clearly articulated the
content distinction. Then we will look at sample cases that show how
the Court views content-based regulations and the very different
approach it takes to content-neutral regulations.
A. Origins
The content distinction found its first clear expression in Police
Department of Chicago v. Mosley.
1
The facts were simple enough.
Earl Mosley, a postal worker, frequently picketed a Chicago high
school with a sign accusing the school of using a quota and practicing
“black discrimination.” Seven months after he had started picketing,
the city enacted an ordinance prohibiting picketing near any school
just befo re, afte r, or during school hours. A proviso exempted “the
peaceful picketing of any school involved in a labor dispute.” Mosley’s
principal argument was that the ordinance was overbroad because it
prohibited even peaceful picketing near a school. The Supreme Court
did not, however, reach the overbreadth issue. Instead, it adopted
Mosley’s fallback argument that the labor picketing exception denied
him equal protection.
1
408 U.S. 92 (1972).
24
FOUNDATIONAL ISSUES
Pt. I
One of the oddities of the Mosley opinio n is its reliance on the
Equal Protection Clause, rather than the First Amendment.
Moreover, the treatme nt of the equality issue was peculiar.
Normally, violations of equal protection can be cured in two ways,
either by extending an exemption to cover all situations equ ally, or
by eliminating the exemption, so that the regulation applies equally
to everyone. But the Court did not consider the possibility of curing
the constitutional flaw by eliminating the labor picketing exemption.
This may be an indication that, though it was concerned about the
ordinance’s unequal treatment of different kinds of picketing, the
Court was thinking at least as much in terms of free speech as equal
protection.
The Chicago ordinance, as construed by the Court, applied only
to “labor picketing of a school involved in a labor dispute.” Under this
interpretation, for instance, the ordinance would not allow picketing
by parents opposing a school strike, but only by the strikers. Thi s is
a clear-cut example of viewpoint discrimination. But the Court’s
opinion went far beyond condemning viewpoint discrimination.
Rather, it proclaimed a much broader principle: “[A]bove all else, the
First Amendment means that gov ernment has no power to restrict
expression because of its message, its ideas, its subject matter, or its
content.” As the Court explained,
[U]nder the Equal Protection Clause, not to mention the
First Amendment itself, government may not grant the use
of a forum to people whose views it finds acceptable, but
deny use to those wishing to express less favored or more
controversial views. And it may not select which issues are
worth discussing or debating in public facilities. There is an
“equality of status in the field of ideas,” and government
must afford all points of view an equal opportunity to be
heard. . . . Selective exclusions from a public forum may not
be based on content alone, and may not be justified by
reference to content alone.
Although serving as the fo undation for a new approach to First
Amendment law, Mosley raised as many questions as it settled. The
first question was the scope of the principle. As the Court knew f ull
well, settled law did allow certain kinds of regulation based on
content. For example, the government can ban direct inci tement to
immediate violence. The Court clearly had no intention of overruling
all the prior decisions allowing such types of government regulation,
but it failed to explain their relationship to the new rule of content
neutrality. It also failed to define exactly how to identify content-
based discrimination.
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