The Consequences of School Suspension at Different Developmental Stages: The Relationships Between Age, Race, Suspension, and Justice-Related Outcomes

AuthorAbigail Novak
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/00938548221107568
Published date01 December 2022
Date01 December 2022
Subject MatterArticles
CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR, 2022, Vol. 49, No. 12, December 2022, 1822 –1844.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/00938548221107568
Article reuse guidelines: sagepub.com/journals-permissions
© 2022 International Association for Correctional and Forensic Psychology
1822
THE CONSEQUENCES OF SCHOOL SUSPENSION
AT DIFFERENT DEVELOPMENTAL STAGES
The Relationships Between Age, Race, Suspension,
and Justice-Related Outcomes
ABIGAIL NOVAK
The University of Mississippi
School suspension is associated with increases in delinquency and arrest and is disproportionality experienced by youth of
color. Limited research has examined the outcomes of suspension experienced at different developmental stages. The purpose
of this study was to examine the relationships between suspension, delinquency, and arrest, as well as if and how these rela-
tionships differed among youth first suspended in childhood and youth first suspended in adolescence and whether suspen-
sion experiences differed by race/ethnicity. Results indicated that suspension was more likely to be experienced by Black and
Hispanic youth. Results also indicated suspension in adolescence was associated with increases in delinquency, and suspen-
sion in childhood and suspension in adolescence were associated with increases in arrest. Suspension in adolescence was
associated with increases in delinquency, while suspension in childhood was associated with greater increases in arrest.
Results suggest policy makers and practitioners should consider alternatives to suspension to prevent delinquency and arrest.
Keywords: adolescence; delinquency; juvenile justice; life course; risk factors
Researchers and policymakers alike argue there is an overreliance on exclusionary dis-
cipline (i.e., school suspension and expulsion) in educational settings and that schools
should reduce their use of school suspension (Kupchik, 2016; Mowen et al., 2020).
Furthermore, researchers argue this overreliance does not affect all students equally, with
students of color being more likely to experience school suspension as compared with
White students (Kupchik, 2016; M. Morris, 2016). In an effort to reduce the number of
youth experiencing exclusion in their district(s) and reduce disproportionate exclusionary
experiences, some school districts and state-level departments of education have imple-
mented stringent policies banning out-of-school suspension as a disciplinary option for
children of a certain age (Juree Capers, 2018). As of 2021, 12 states and the District of
AUTHORS’ NOTE: The author would like to thank Drs. Abigail Fagan, Chris Gibson, Marv Krohn, and
Walter Leite for their helpful feedback. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Abigail
Novak, Department of Criminal Justice and Legal Studies, The University of Mississippi, 303 Hedleston Hall,
University, MS 38677; e-mail: anovak@olemiss.edu.
1107568CJBXXX10.1177/00938548221107568Criminal Justice and BehaviorNovak / The Consequences of School Suspension at Different
research-article2022
Novak / THE CONSEQUENCES OF SCHOOL SUSPENSION AT DIFFERENT 1823
Columbia have passed legislation eliminating out-of-school suspension as a disciplinary
consequence for elementary-aged children, and many districts nationwide have begun
enacting similar measures (End Zero Tolerance, 2021).
Although restricting the use of out-of-school suspension may help to improve outcomes
for youth and reduce racial disproportionality in suspension experiences, eliminating out-
of-school suspension as a disciplinary response for children assumes the consequences
associated with out-of-school suspension are more disproportionately negative for children
than adolescents. The criminological labeling and life-course perspectives suggest that out-
of-school suspension experienced at different developmental periods may have differing
consequences for youth development and outcomes, but research is limited in its examina-
tion of if and how the consequences associated with out-of-school suspension differ accord-
ing to whether an individual was first suspended in childhood or adolescence. As both
childhood (operationalized in this study as ages 12 and under) and adolescence (operation-
alized as ages 13–16) are important time periods in the development and/or prevention of
future delinquent and criminal behavior and outcomes (Sampson & Laub, 1993), and
because suspension is not experienced equally across racial/ethnic groups (Kupchik, 2016),
understanding the risk of suspension by racial/ethnic background and the potential differen-
tial impact suspension may have when experienced during these two critical periods is
important. The purpose of this study is to examine racial differences in experiences of sus-
pension across developmental periods and to examine the associations between out-of-
school suspension, self-reported delinquency, and justice system contact, as well as whether
and how these associations differ according to when suspension is first experienced.
LITERATURE REVIEW
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
The labeling and life-course perspectives both provide insight into the ways in which
school suspension may affect subsequent outcomes and the differences in these outcomes
according to age at first suspension. According to the labeling perspective, individuals who
experience a formal labeling event such as school suspension may be more likely to experi-
ence secondary deviance, or increases in deviant behavior, following the labeling event
(Liberman et al., 2014; Paternoster & Iovanni, 1989). The perspective argues individuals
may come to see themselves as deviant following a labeling event, and the internalization
of this deviant self-identity may lead to subsequent antisocial behavior. Labeling events are
also theorized to lead to secondary sanctioning, defined within the perspective as future
sanctioning on the part of agents of social control following an initial labeling event
(Liberman et al., 2014). The perspective argues secondary sanctioning effects reflect
changes in societal responses to an individual following a labeling event, rather than changes
in an individual’s behavior (Liberman et al., 2014; Matza, 1969). Sampson and Laub’s
(1993) age-graded theory of informal social control integrates and builds on the compo-
nents of the labeling perspective to suggest school suspension occurring in childhood may
have a larger negative effect on secondary deviance than that occurring in adolescence, as a
younger child’s bonds to schools and the prosocial institution of education are thought to be
protective against delinquency in adolescence. In addition, the theory suggests suspension
in childhood may be more likely to lead to secondary sanctioning, as agents of social con-
trol may develop and maintain perceptions of deviance as the child ages, subjecting the

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