The Community Context of Family Structure and Adolescent Drug Use

Published date01 May 2002
AuthorJohn P. Hoffmann
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-3737.2002.00314.x
Date01 May 2002
Journal of Marriage and Family 64 (May 2002): 314–330
314
J
OHN
P. H
OFFMANN
Brigham Young University
l
The Community Context of Family Structure and
Adolescent Drug Use
Using data from the National Educational Lon-
gitudinal Study (NELS), this article investigates a
number of hypotheses used to explain the rela-
tionship between family structure and adolescent
drug use. In particular, using linked community-
level data, an explicit examination of hypotheses
drawn from a community-context model is con-
ducted. These hypotheses posit that the impact of
family structure on adolescent behavior is, in part,
explained by the different types of communities
within which families reside and that community
characteristics moderate the impact of family
structure on drug use. The results of multilevel
regression models fail to support these hypothe-
ses; adolescents who reside in single-parent or
stepparent families are at heightened risk of drug
use irrespective of community context. Moreover,
adolescents who reside in single father families
are at risk of both higher levels of use and in-
creasing use over time. A signif‌icant community-
level effect involves jobless men: Adolescents are
at increased risk of drug use if they reside in com-
munities with a higher proportion of unemployed
and out-of-workforce men.
Although the prevalence of some forms of ado-
lescent drug use has decreased in recent years
(Johnston, O’Malley, & Bachman, 2000), the eti-
ology of use continues to be an important research
Department of Sociology, 844 SWKT,Brigham Young Uni-
versity, Provo, UT 84602 (JohnpHoffmann@byu.edu).
Key Words: adolescent drug use, community context, family
structure.
topic. Adolescents who use drugs are at height-
ened risk of low academic achievement, high
school dropout, early sexual initiation, and marital
disruption in adulthood (Newcomb & Bentler,
1988). An interesting parallel is that these detri-
mental outcomes are also linked to family struc-
ture. In fact, the diverse effects of family structure
on a host of social and behavioral outcomes
makes it a continuing source of social science re-
search. For example, a substantial body of litera-
ture indicates that living with a biological mother
and father reduces the risk of delinquent behavior
(Matsueda & Heimer, 1987), school dropout
(Astone & McLanahan, 1994), and adolescent
drug use (Flewelling & Bauman, 1990; Hoffmann
& Johnson, 1998; Thomas, Farrell, & Barnes,
1996). Most early studies compared single-parent
and two-parent families and determined that the
former were detrimental for several adolescent
outcomes. However, the past 15 years or so have
seen more ref‌ined research directed toward (a)
more specif‌ic measures of family structure and (b)
exploring the conceptual links between family
structure and adolescent behavior.
Many contemporary studies of family structure
have addressed differences among adolescents
from single-parent, stepparent, and two-biologi-
cal-parent families. This more nuanced attention
is driven partly by the rapid increase of stepparent
and single-father families (Bianchi, 1995; Ihinger-
Tallman, & Pasley, 1997). Moreover, as large data
sets with suff‌icient numbers of various family
types (e.g., father-stepmother) have become avail-
able researchers have studied not only the number
315Community Context of Family Structure
of parents but also the gender of the parent. A
common hypothesis is that living with a same-sex
parent reduces the risk of detrimental outcomes.
Although recent studies f‌ind little support for this
same-sex hypothesis (Downey, Ainsworth-Dar-
nell, & Dufur, 1998; Powell & Downey, 1997), a
consensus is emerging that adolescents residing
with stepparents may be at higher risk than ado-
lescents in other types of families of various forms
of deviant behavior, including drug use (Hoff-
mann & Johnson, 1998; Ihinger-Tallman & Pas-
ley, 1997).
The second trend involves the search for con-
ceptual links between family structure and ado-
lescent outcomes. A variety of studies show that
part of the family structure effect is attributable to
parent-child relations, differences in family in-
come, and residential mobility. For instance, the
heightened risk of school dropout among adoles-
cents in single-mother families is attributable
largely to low income in these families, thus sup-
porting an economic resources explanation of
family structure effects (McLanahan & Booth,
1989). On average, stepparent families do not
have fewer economic resources than other fami-
lies (Astone & McLanahan, 1994; Downey, 1995;
McLanahan & Sandefur, 1994). However, parent-
child interaction is attenuated in stepparent
families; thus, adolescents are at higher risk of
misbehavior. Stepparent families also tend to
move more often than two-biological-parent fam-
ilies. Frequent moves are associated with both
drug use and school dropout (DeWit, 1998; Swan-
son & Schneider, 1999) and may also explain
much of the variability in these behaviors among
adolescents in stepparent families (McLanahan &
Sandefur, 1994). Nevertheless, family structure
continues to exert a signif‌icant impact on some
types of adolescent behavior, such as drug use,
even after one controls for the effects of family
income, family relations, residential mobility, and
a host of other variables (e.g., Downey et al.,
1998; Hoffmann & Johnson, 1998).
The inability of various economic and social
characteristics to explain family structure effects
on drug use was highlighted in a recent study by
Hoffmann and Johnson (1998). Using a large sam-
ple from the National Household Survey on Drug
Abuse (NHSDA), they found that adolescents
who resided with a biological father and mother
were at lower risk of marijuana and other drug
use than adolescents who reside with single par-
ents or stepparents. Adolescents who resided with
a single father or a father-stepmother were at es-
pecially high risk of drug use, including more se-
rious forms of problem use. Controlling for the
effects of family income and family moves did not
fully attenuate differences among family types in
the likelihood of drug use. Hence, Hoffmann and
Johnson (1998) concluded that hypotheses involv-
ing economic resources or mobility do not suff‌i-
ciently explain the effects of family structure on
adolescent drug use.
T
HE
C
OMMUNITY
C
ONTEXT OF
F
AMILY
S
TRUCTURE
A novel approach that may help explain the im-
pact of family structure on adolescent behaviors
concerns its community context. This model, sum-
marized in its most basic form by McLanahan and
Sandefur (1994), begins with the observation that
family types are not distributed randomly in the
United States (see also McLanahan, 1985; Mc-
Lanahan & Booth, 1989). Families that live in bet-
ter-off communities have a host of extrafamilial
resources to draw upon in raising children, so the
community is seen as a key characteristic that af-
fects whether adolescents from different types of
families behave in deviant or normative ways.
Single parents—in particular single mothers—of-
ten do not have the resources to live in well-off
communities and are less able than other parents
to move to more f‌inancially secure areas; thus,
their ability to raise children may be hampered
(Amato & Booth, 1997; South & Crowder, 1998).
Two-parent families are usually in better f‌inancial
situations than single-parent families; thus, they
are allowed much more f‌lexibility about where to
live.
A community context model actually implies
several distinct hypotheses that may explain the
relationship between family structure and adoles-
cent drug use. First, a mediating hypothesis sug-
gests that community characteristics affect family
structure in particular ways, which then leads to
drug use. For instance, perhaps resource-poor
communities—which have often been labeled
‘‘socially disorganized’’—are more likely to gen-
erate divorce and single parenthood, and it is res-
idence in the resultant single-parent families that
affects drug use. A more plausible process, how-
ever, is that single-parent families are constrained
in their choice of communities and often must live
in resource-poor areas for economic reasons.
Hence a selection effect determines the distribu-
tion of family structures and, ultimately, whether
there is any inf‌luence on adolescent behavior. Un-

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