The Challenge of Diffusing Military Professionalism in Africa

• Author: Audrey Van Ouytsel,Joseph Soeters
• DOI: 10.1177/0095327X12473458
• Published date: 01 April 2014
• Date: 01 April 2014
• Subject Matter: Articles

Article

The Challenge of

Diffusing Military

Professionalism

in Africa

Joseph Soeters

1,3

and Audrey Van Ouytsel

2

Abstract

In order to copewith the many violent conflictsall over the world and toenhance their

influence,Western armed forces tendto invest in professionalizingthe armed forces of

developing countries. One way is to educate cadets of such countries at the military

academies at home. Following in thiswake, Belgium has opened up its military training

programs for cadets from Francophone African countries. This article examines the

experiencesof young men from Benin afterthey have finished theirstudies successfully

and returned to their parent armed force in this African country. The focus of our

analysis is on organizational change through intergenerational diversity reflecting dif-

ferencesin professionalism-related experiences.The findings,suggesting thatsuch orga-

nizationalchange is not self-evident, leadto a discussion about the generalimplications

of diffusing military professionalism to developing countries, in Africa in particular.

Keywords

military professionalism, training and education, diffusion/transfer, developing coun-

tries, Europe, Africa

1

Faculty of Military Studies, Department of Military Administrative Studies (Management, Organization,

and Defence Economics), Breda, Netherlands

2

Department of Behavioral Sciences, Royal Military Academy, Brussels, Belgium

3

School of Social and Behavioral Sciences, University of Tilburg

Corresponding Author:

Joseph Soeters, Faculty of Military Studies, Department of Military Administrative Studies (Management,

Organization and Defence Economics), P.O. Box 90002, 4800 PA Breda, Netherlands.

Email: jmml.soeters@nlda.nl

Armed Forces & Society

2014, Vol. 40(2) 252-268

ªThe Author(s) 2013

Reprints and permission:

sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav

DOI: 10.1177/0095327X12473458

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Introduction

One of the key factors in the outbreak of violent intranational conflicts is the absence

of adequately performing police and armed forces in a country. As a consequence,

such nations are likely to be failed states. Correspondingly, one of the main solutions

to contain violence is to create police and armed forces that comply with the rule of

law, know no ethnic nepotism, and are effective in conducting the tasks they are set

to do. In the current conflict situations in Iraq and Afghanistan, for instance, training

the police and armed forces has been identified to be key to solving the security

problems in those countries.

1

In Africa, this issue also plays a role in the many violent conflicts that have

troubled the continent over the last decades. In those conflicts—terrorism, ethnic riv-

alries, and civil wars—irregular forces dominate the scene, and the official forces

that should be able to respond are lacking or not capable enough. In the Democratic

Republic of Congo (DR Congo), for instance, the Forces Arme´es de la Republique

De´mocratique du Congo (FARDC), the official state army, has been said to be a

player in creating and sustaining the violence against the population, instead of con-

taining or suppressing it.

2

In countries such as Rwanda, Liberia, and Sierra Leone

that used to be visited by outbursts of incredible violence, adequately perform-

ing—that is, impartial, resilient, and technically capable—forces were not available

at the times they were most needed.

In this connection, armed forces in the Western hemisphere have taken up the task

to invest in professionalizing the forces of developing countries. They have pursued

this policy for reasons of well understood self-interest. This policy is intended to

restrain thelocal violence and prevent it fromspilling over to the Westernhemisphere,

but it also aims to contribute to enhancing the influence of the Western nations in the

various regionsof the world. In many cases, there is also a heritage of colonialhistory.

The latter does not apply to the United States, but the two former reasons do. For the

United Kingdom and F rance, all reaso ns apply, particul arly in Africa, the c ontinent

that was once divided by those two—at that time—superpowers.

Investing in the professionalization of armed forces of developing countries may

consist of providing technical equipment and logistical support and training soldiers

on the spot such as currently in Iraq and Afghanistan. But predominantly, it often

also entails educating future officers at the military academies or defense universi-

ties at home. The United States and the United Kingdom tend to do this for countries

all over the world, France has been pursuing this policy for, and in, their former colo-

nies in Francophone Africa.

3

Over the last two decades, France has decided to con-

tinue and refocus the role for its military in Africa, creating new levels of military

cooperation with more than twenty countries in the continent.

Belgium once was a colonial power in Africa too, and in connection to the still

existing relations with many countries on that continent, it has followed in the foot-

steps of those larger countries. It has opened up its military academy in Brussels for

students from Francophone Africa. This is not really a new policy, but since 2001

Soeters and Van Ouytsel 253