The Boundary Problem in Workplace Democracy: Who Constitutes the Corporate Demos?

Published date01 June 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/00905917221131821
AuthorPhilipp Stehr
Date01 June 2023
https://doi.org/10.1177/00905917221131821
Political Theory
2023, Vol. 51(3) 507 –529
© The Author(s) 2022
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DOI: 10.1177/00905917221131821
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Article
The Boundary
Problem in Workplace
Democracy: Who
Constitutes the
Corporate Demos?
Philipp Stehr1
Abstract
This article brings to bear findings from the debate on the boundary
problem in democratic theory on discussions of workplace democracy to
argue that workplace democrats’ focus on workers is unjustified and that
more constituencies will have to be included in any prospective scheme of
workplace democracy. It thereby provides a valuable and underdiscussed
perspective on workplace democracy that goes beyond the debate’s usual
focus on the clarification and justification of workplace democrats’ core
claim. It also goes beyond approaches like stakeholder theory in law and
economics that determine decision-making rights without taking into
account genuinely democratic considerations. My discussion proceeds by
considering three principles for inclusion from democratic theory for the
specific case of the corporation. I submit that two of them, the all-coerced
and the all-subjected principle, are not appropriate for this specific case,
because they cannot capture the distinguishing features of the corporation.
The all-affected principle however is appropriate but has a very wide range.
I further argue that this is not as big of a problem as it first might seem and
that this principle is still the most appropriate for defining the demos of the
democratic corporation. The article closes by pointing out the consequences
1Utrecht University, Utrecht, The Netherlands
Corresponding Author:
Philipp Stehr, Utrecht University, Janskerkhof 13, Utrecht, 3512 BL, The Netherlands.
Email: p.h.stehr@uu.nl
1131821PTXXXX10.1177/00905917221131821Political TheoryStehr
research-article2022
508Political Theory 51(3)
of this result for the workplace democracy debate and for the legitimacy of
the market as a coordination mechanism.
Keywords
workplace democracy, boundary problem, business corporation, democratic
theory, markets
Introduction
Business corporations are some of the most powerful institutions in the world
today, in some cases arguably outclassing states. They play an important role
in organizing production and distribution, and increasingly also public debate
and social relations. At the same time, the vast majority of corporations is
internally profoundly undemocratic. The theoretical debate around work-
place democracy has long recognized this fact (Frega, Herzog, and Neuhäuser
2019). Elizabeth Anderson has summarized it in the four features of private
government (Anderson 2017): superiors can rule arbitrarily and are unac-
countable to their subordinates. Employees have no right to appeal decisions
nor do they have any right to be heard. To rectify what is thus taken by many
to be a dictatorial status quo, scholars have proposed the introduction of dem-
ocratic mechanisms in the workplace. Although the details of the proposals
vary, they share the idea that, as in national democracies, workers should be
given control over who rules them under what conditions via some election
mechanism. After all, a widespread conviction is that for a form of rule to be
democratic, the governed have to have a say in government.
Although the attention that workplace democracy has received among
political philosophers is considerable, the debate focuses on two main
aspects: the clarification of the claim of workplace democrats and the justifi-
cation for that claim. What has been fairly absent from the debate however is
any further concern with the subjects of workplace democracy: who should
get a say in a democratic workplace? Authors usually quietly assume the
subjects to be the workers or employees as opposed to the current holders of
decision-making power, management and shareholders. Some authors grant
that there might be other constituencies that have legitimate claims to partici-
pation (e.g., Ferreras 2017, 142). The only exception to this rule is Robin
Archer, who explicitly tests his argument for workplace democracy for
whether it applies to other constituencies besides workers (Archer 1994). The
otherwise widespread neglect of this question represents a serious omission
in the literature, not least because popular justifications for workplace

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