The Borders of Citizenship in the Haitian Revolution

Date01 October 2021
DOI10.1177/0090591720975349
Published date01 October 2021
AuthorLorenzo Ravano
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0090591720975349
Political Theory
2021, Vol. 49(5) 717 –742
© The Author(s) 2020
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DOI: 10.1177/0090591720975349
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Article
The Borders of
Citizenship in the
Haitian Revolution
Lorenzo Ravano1
Abstract
This essay surveys the appropriations and transformations of the modern
concept of citizenship by the actors of the Haitian Revolution, analyzed
through the intertwining of race, plantation labor, and the postcolonial state.
The concept of citizenship is interpreted as an instrument of emancipative
struggles as well as of practices of government. The reconstruction
is focused around four moments: the liberal critique by free people of
color of the racial boundaries of French citizenship; the strategic uses of
citizenship by the insurgent slaves to secure their freedom; the inclusion
of former slaves into citizenship to preserve the plantation system within
the republican order; and postcolonial Haitian citizenship. By analyzing the
constitutional shifts and the political thinking of different figures, such as
Julien Raimond, Georges Biassou, Jean-François, Toussaint Louverture,
and Jean-Jacques Dessalines, the essay shows the conceptual originality
of Haitian political thought and its relevance for the history of modern
political concepts.
Keywords
citizenship, Haitian Revolution, black abolitionism, political concepts,
Toussaint Louverture
1Université Paris Nanterre, Nanterre, France
Corresponding Author:
Lorenzo Ravano, Université Paris Nanterre, 200 avenue de la République, Nanterre, 92001,
France.
Email: lorenzo.ravano@gmail.com
975349PTXXXX10.1177/0090591720975349Political TheoryRavano
research-article2020
718 Political Theory 49(5)
Introduction
In this essay, I analyze the conflicting appropriations and transformations of
the modern concept of citizenship by the actors of the Haitian Revolution,
seen through the intertwining of racial slavery, plantation labor, and the post-
colonial state. In the last fifteen years, many scholars have shown the theo-
retical relevance of the Haitian Revolution by analyzing its importance for
the modern intellectual history, as well as for a critical rethinking of the con-
cept of modernity in light of postcolonial and decolonial critiques.1 In par-
ticular, the most recent debates have stressed the specificity of the revolution
by showing that liberation from slavery, racism, and colonialism had its own
political autonomy and conceptual originality.2 These contributions have
highlighted the risk to misinterpreting black political thought as merely
derivative, both the effect and the authentic realization of the alleged univer-
sal principles of radical Enlightenment and the French Revolution. On the
contrary, by using the European political lexicon and symbols during their
struggles, free people of color, Creole blacks, and enslaved Africans articu-
lated different resignification of some modern political concepts, such as
freedom, equality, sovereignty, and citizenship.
Nevertheless, the definition of the Haitian Revolution’s political thought
still raises open questions that can be summarized in two points. First, the
revolution was a complex phenomenon characterized by different currents
and two main internal conflicts: between the revolutionary elite and the
African-born rural masses, and, within the elite, between the freeborn peo-
ple of color and the black leaders who ranked the army. As Jean Casimir,
Gérard Barthélemy, and Carolyn E. Fick have argued, these conflicts
expressed also the clash between the reproduction of plantation system sup-
ported by the elite and the “counter-plantation” model of lakou, the family-
based and egalitarian community of subsistence agriculture, organized
outside the state and characterized by vodou culture and Maroon traditions.3
Secondly, the illiteracy of the masses and the conflicting relationship
between the dominant European culture of the colonizer and the subaltern
cultures of enslaved people raise methodological and epistemological ques-
tions.4 Scholars have shown how revolutionary ideas widely circulated in
the Atlantic,5 but how free and enslaved blacks effectively conceptualized
their politics and interacted with European political thought is yet an open
field of inquiry. As Anthony Bogues has written by recalling the lwa Legba—
the vodou spirit who has the power to open and close the gates between the
human and the spiritual world—the Haitian Revolution can be analyzed as a
“Legba revolution”: the opening of a space of radical political inventions
grounded on the Atlantic creolization of cultures and the concrete struggles

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