Sexist Personality Disorder
[T]he equality between men and women in [African] Egyptian antiquity was an integral part of the divine order as opposed to 'economic', 'servile', 'ethnographic' or 'feudal' considerations
Theophile Obenga (1992, 148, emphasis added)
Definition. This disorder applies equally to males and females. Used here, the term sexism always refers to both male and female. Sexist personality disorder is defined as the attitude and corresponding behavior--including violence--that limits or controls the participation in interpersonal relationships and society at large and/or devalues the contributions to society by a man or a woman or otherwise responds to said contributions in a reactionary or fearful manner based solely on an actor's gender or client's prejudicial conceptualization about the capacities of a given gender.
Diagnosing. Sexist attitudes that have been held for at least three months would seem to warrant the diagnosis. Where sexist behaviors are being executed, especially violence directed at a spouse or partner, a more stringent standard would seem in order, to wit: a single instance of sexist violence, discrimination, or behavior accompanied with sexist attitudes would seem to constitute sexist personality disorder. Clinical acumen may be assisted by instruments measuring misogyny, misandry and sexist attitudes.
Discussion. The incongruity between male or female sexism and the African-centered creation mythos could not be more pronounced. The former is impossible to derive from the latter. Therefore, modern day sexist thought and behavior by ADP is psychological misorientation manifest. The film Once were Warriors can be a useful tool as it provides graphic examples of sexist personality disorder (and several others in this nosology). Guarding against individual and societal sexism may always be a chief concern. In this task, centered ancestral wisdom is recommended. Obenga's chapter (143-151) from which the section epigraph is taken seems especially helpful in appreciating gender complimentarity and equality as is the following:
[O]ur ancestors prior to any foreign influence had given woman a choice place [in governing]. They saw her not as sex object but as mother .... sitting separately but having the same prerogatives as the male assembly .... [A]bicameralism, determined by sex [was not] ... pitting men against women [rather] it guaranteed the free flowering of both. It is to the honor of our ancestors that they were able to develop such a type of democracy .... reestablishing it in modern form [is imperative]. (Diop, 1978a, 33)
One ramification of applying centered African ancestral wisdom is that gender concerns--either gender--could never supersede the collective race or peoplehood concerns (Azibo, 1994b, 2012a), but are always to be approached as intertwined. A second is that "women's rights" were first pursued by ADP among all earthly peoples from their own cultural center or framework, therefore, it is only logical that Africana people begin there in overcoming sexist thought and practice. Doing so will probably render unnecessary and reveal the aberrant and alien nature of Asian, Eurasian and Caucasian women's liberation thought and practice (e.g., Gordon, 1985; Obenga, 1992).
Still, as ADP reel from Eurasian cultural hegemony, ingrained in them are the seedbeds of sexism, misanthropy and misandry. From this two special issues have arisen. One is the idea that Cheatwood (1992) rightly criticized, namely that Africana women be dominated and suppressed as a prerequisite for effectively taking on Eurasian opposition. Another is "the negating drive of Black feminist identity politics against Black men/boys" (Curry, 2013). It seems holding either perspective is classifiable as sexist mental illness manifest.
According to the African-centered way as reflected in the creation mythos, women are not to be positioned over men and vice versa men not over women. However, resulting from the Two Thousand Seasons of Eurasian devastation, ADP direly need reminding of "the [African-centered] way you have forgotten" (Armah, 1979, 26) regarding female-male relating. Armah instructs
Know this again. The way is not the rule of men. The way is never women ruling men. The way is reciprocity. The way is not barrenness. Nor is the way this heedless fecundity. The way is not blind productivity. The way is [ADP as] creation knowing its purpose, wise in the withholding of itself from [Eurasian cultural] snares. (Armah, 1979, 27)
It follows that for mental health as conceptualized Africentrically herein to prevail in ADP's male-female relationships in general and family of creation relationships in particular, the platform for these relationships has to prioritize a perpetual coming together for the primary purpose of achieving and maintaining a state of global African liberation in love and struggle (e.g., Karenga, 1978). The creation mythos is screaming this, but does the mental health worker heed the call?
Yet, in reality sexism confronts Africana women worldwide and misogynists of African descent do exist. These can be combated in a practical manner by building on Africentric theoretical grounding like that presented here and elsewhere (Azibo, 1994b; Gordon, 1985; Moore & Coppock, 1987). With the misreckoning of Africana women as superwomen these last 150 years or so now discredited, Nathan and Julia Hare provide the practical starting point for this combat:
If we are going to incorporate black feminism, we must first know what black feminism is, just as if we are going to get somewhere, we have to have some notion of where we are going. (Hare & Hare, 1984, 141)
Mwalimu Baruti appears to have identified the destination:
A womanist is one who seeks absolute equality with men. She is one who requires that there be mutual respect and equally shared power between men and women engaged in defending and building their community [i.e., own-race maintenance]. (Baruti, 2010, 241)
In this way, each gender serves but neither ever supersedes race or community (Azibo, 1994). This is the only axiological possibility that centered African cultural deep structural framework/asili allows. If gender indeed is intertwined with "race" collective as argued herein, then the most efficacious cultural surface structure strategy is for gender to not supersede race as well. If race and gender were not intertwined, then thinking and behaving as if one string of the twine might supersede the other could logically enter though the idea be destructive and anathema to loving centered African relationships (e.g., Carruthers, 1980; Harper-Bolton, 1982; Karenga, 1978; Madhubuti, 1980; Semaj, 1980).
The position outlined here for combating sexism perforce effects at long last the sought after marriage between Africana scholarship and Africana womanism (see Azibo, 1992, 2012a; Pellerun, 2009). "Historical womanist theory" (Rousseau, 2013) is excluded, however, as it is reactionary, not located in African cultural deep structure/asili, and tinged with Eurocentrism though some proponents may be pro-Black.
African High-Tech Lynching
From my standpoint, as a Black American, [this] is a high-tech lynching ... by a committee of the U.S. Senate, rather than hung from a tree.
Clarence Thomas, October 13, 1991
Definition. The serious thinking about or the undertaking of the taking of one's own life defines African high-tech lynching, a condition which is misnomered suicide.
Diagnosing. Own-life taking that is altruistic or based in own-race maintenance or contemplation of same are not diagnosed. Otherwise, a single attempt to take one's own life is diagnosable. As well, seriously thinking about the behavior 4 times or more or 10 or more recurrent, but not serious, thoughts of committing the behavior within the last fortnight warrant the diagnosis. The latter two criteria are the author's impressionistic, rough guides which may prove out to need adjusting. Conservative clinical acumen, not these guides, should be the final arbiter until an empirical criterion can be advanced.
Discussion. The conceptual underpinnings of the African high-tech lynching nomenclature presumes that the historic lynchings--3,386 between 1882 and 1930 (Fresia, 1988, 86), not to mention 1619-1882--perpetrated on African-U.S. people (e.g., The Black Arcade, 1970; Ginzburg, 2006; Secret relationship, 1991) continue in the present-day in the different form of African-U.S. own-life taking behavior (Wright, 1981, 1985, 16-22).
The dynamics that drive ADP's own-life taking in other diasporas and the continent are thought to be similar. Azibo and Key (2013) tersely summarize the etiology of most African-U.S. own-life taking thusly:
the anti-Africanism thrust of Caucasian American civilization [right arrow] a psychology of oppression [right arrow] faulty, dysfunctional psychological adaptation [right arrow] [right arrow] depression influenced own life taking activity, where [right arrow] means engenders and [right arrow] [right arrow] means eventually engenders. The emphasis on structural factors in this general etiology is not meant to deny or minimize the influence of what are called multi-level theories of etiology which produce more complex considerations at the level of the individual thereby lending themselves to an etiological focus on the person. Instead, the present general etiology subsumes them at the point of "faulty, dysfunctional psychological adaptation". That is, it is at this point that myriad known and suspected influences like religiosity, psychological Africanity (racial identity), socio-economic class, stressful life events, and so forth come into play. For example, the multi-level Integrated Motivational-Volitional model of suicide (O'Connor, 2011) is one such explanatory theory.
Nevertheless, it is right to give prominence to structural factors because the own-life taking dynamic starts there. To elaborate, the form of the dominance...