The Adoption of Homeland Security Initiatives in Texas Police Departments: A Contextual Perspective

• Author: Daniel M. Stewart,Willard M. Oliver
• Date: 01 March 2021
• DOI: 10.1177/0734016814551603
• Published date: 01 March 2021
• Subject Matter: Articles

Article

The Adoption of Homeland

Security Initiatives in Texas

Police Departments:

A Contextual Perspective

Daniel M. Stewart

1

and Willard M. Oliver

2

Abstract

The application of theory has been lacking in explaining the advent of homeland security in post–

September 11 policing. This study examines the utility of contingency and resource dependency

theories in understanding the adoption of homeland security initiatives in Texas police departments.

While attending state-mandated leadership training, Texas police chiefs (n¼208) were surveyed as

to structural and managerial changes implemented in their respective departments following

September 11, 2001. Particular attention was given to the number of homeland security-related

initiatives adopted, as reported by the participants. Using zero-inflated negative binomial regression,

support was found for resource dependency but not for contingency theory; that is, the extent of

homeland security initiatives was significantly associated with homeland security-related grant

receipts but not with experience regarding homeland security–related incidents or threat levels.

Keywords

police organization/management, law enforcement/security, police processes, terrorism/homeland

security

Following the events of September 11, 2001, local police departments across the United States

began employing an array of tactics to bolster domestic security (Davis et al., 2004; Oliver,

2007). In some agencies, this merely involved changes to the distribution of patrol services—work

shifts were extended, days off were canceled, patrol levels were manipulated to target-harden poten-

tial vulnerabilities, and officers were encouraged to maintain vigilance for any suspicious activity

(Alexander & Mors, 2007). In other organizations, however, responses entailed more significant

strategic as well as structural changes, such as the creation of counterterrorism and intelligence units,

increased collaboration with Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)-led joint terrorism task forces

(JTTF), and the adoption of the National Incident Management System (NIMS), just to name a few

1

University of North Texas, Denton, TX, USA

2

Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, TX, USA

Corresponding Author:

Willard M. Oliver, Sam Houston State University, 1806 Avenue J, Huntsville, TX 77340, USA.

Email: icc_wmo@shsu.edu

Criminal Justice Review

2021, Vol. 46(1) 80-98

ª2014 Georgia State University

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DOI: 10.1177/0734016814551603

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(Giblin, Schafer, & Burruss, 2009; Holden, Murphy, Brito, & Ederheimer, 2009; Randol, 2012;

Riley, Treverton, Wilson, & Davis, 2006; Stewart & Morris, 2009).

For many, the implementation of such initiatives was perceived to be a necessity at a time

wherein the responsibilities of terrorism prevention and disaster preparedness were thrust upon local

police departments under the larger rubric of homeland security. These new expected responsibil-

ities were evidenced in the rhetoric of politicians, policy makers, and academicians (see Bush,

2001; DeLone, 2007; Henry, 2002; Oliver, 2007). Further, professional law enforcement organiza-

tions across the country assembled conferences addressing the issue of how homeland security could

be achieved through community policing tactics already in place (Oliver, 2006). In short, it was

maintained that the working environment had significantly changed for local police, particularly for

those in or near large metropolitan areas, and the adoption of homeland security met the necessary

conditions to effectively operate in the new environment.

The federal government appeared to sanction a possible shift in policing philosophy as well, with

monies increasingly being allocated to state and local law enforcement through the Department of

Homeland Security (DHS) instead of the previously relied on Office of Community Oriented Poli-

cing Services (COPS Office; Department of Homeland Security, 2007; Ludwig & Donahue, 2007).

Even the dollars that continued to be distributed through the COPS Office were gradually being tied

to some aspect of homeland security (COPS Office, 2003; Oliver & Stewart, 2004).

1

And in 2008,

counterterrorism outpaced overall federal spending on crime prevention by 15 billion (Office of

Management and Budget, 2009). This shift in the federal government’s strategic use of expenditures

has led some to speculate that financial incentives, rather than strategic, operational, and tactical

necessity, served as the impetus for change at the local level (Oliver & Stewart, 2004).

Using data collected from a representative sample of Texas police chiefs and employing zero-

inflated negative binomial regression (ZINB), this study attempts to identify factors related to the

implementation of post–September 11 homeland security-related initiatives. Specifically, variables

used as crude proxies for the constructs of the contingency and resource dependency theories are

examined for their utility in understanding organizational change in Texas police departments. Con-

tingency theory focuses on change as a product of an organization’s attempt to achieve specific

goals, while resource dependency theory reflects the manipulation of organizational characteristics

to obtain the necessary resources to survive. These two theories, which both fall under a perspective

that stresses the importance of environmental factors in explaining organizational change, have been

used to explain a variety of police developments over the last few decades, including the creation of

gang units (Katz, Maguire, & Roncek, 2002), police growth in the 1990s (McCarty, Zhao, & Ren,

2006), and changes in police core functions (Zhao, He, & Lovrich, 2003; Zhao, Lovrich, &

Robinson, 2001). Here, we will attempt to advance the literature by using the contingency and

resource dependency theories as a backdrop to discuss American policing in the post–September

11 environment.

2

The Responsibility of Homeland Security

Though national defense is oft-viewed as a public good primarily falling under the exclusive pur-

view of the federal government (de Rugy, 2010; Gold, 1999; Stuntz, 2002), it has been recognized

that the homeland security apparatus will always be triggered by a local event followed by an initial

local response wherein law enforcement plays a critical role (Bratton, Kelling, & Eddy, 2007; Inter-

national Association of Chiefs of Police, 2005). Major events, whether manmade or natural, how-

ever, will undoubtedly arise that overwhelm local agencies, requiring assistance from

neighboring jurisdictions, the state, and/or federal government. In recognition of the role of local

and state authorities in homeland security, President George W. Bush released the National Strategy

for Homeland Security in 2002 as a blueprint for strengthening defenses and reducing terrorist

Stewart and Oliver 81