Testing the Target Congruence Approach: Do Vulnerability, Gratifiability, and Antagonism Explain Cyberstalking Victimization Among Young Adults?

Published date01 September 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/00938548231180636
AuthorErica R. Fissel,Bonnie S. Fisher,Pamela Wilcox
Date01 September 2023
Subject MatterArticles
CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR, 2023, Vol. 50, No. 9, September 2023, 1380 –1404.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/00938548231180636
Article reuse guidelines: sagepub.com/journals-permissions
© 2023 International Association for Correctional and Forensic Psychology
1380
TESTING THE TARGET CONGRUENCE
APPROACH
Do Vulnerability, Gratifiability, and Antagonism
Explain Cyberstalking Victimization Among
Young Adults?
ERICA R. FISSEL
University of Central Florida
BONNIE S. FISHER
University of Cincinnati
PAMELA WILCOX
Pennsylvania State University
To extend theoretical understanding of cyberspace victimization beyond lifestyle-routine activity theory, we tested the target
congruence approach as a plausible explanation for cyberstalking victimization. Of secondary interest, we assessed whether
the relationship between target congruence and cyberstalking victimization differs by pursued–pursuer relationship. Survey
data from a sample of 1,500 young adults (18–25 years old) revealed 32% had experienced cyberstalking victimization within
the previous year. Logistic regression results moderately support the target congruence approach. Measures capturing target
vulnerability (e.g., age, disability), target gratifiability (e.g., gender identity, types of photos posted), and target antagonism
(e.g., relationship status, cyberstalking perpetration) significantly predicted cyberstalking victimization. Moreover, it appears
that the target congruence elements better explain cyberstalking victimization conducted by someone known to the target
(compared with a stranger). Implications for the applicability of the target congruence approach are discussed, along with
suggestions for future research.
Keywords: cyberstalking; target congruence; victimization
Cyberspace is well integrated into individuals’ daily life, with 90% of individuals in
developed countries worldwide using the internet in 2021 (International
Telecommunication Union, 2021). Cyberspace has positive impacts on many aspects of
life, but it also creates more opportunities for users to target and interact with victims
AUTHORS’ NOTE: Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Erica R. Fissel,
Department of Criminal Justice, University of Central Florida, Orlando, FL 32816-2368;
e-mail: erica.fissel@ucf.edu.
1180636CJBXXX10.1177/00938548231180636Criminal Justice and BehaviorFissel et al. /
research-article2023
Fissel et al. / TESTING THE TARGET CONGRUENCE APPROACH 1381
without geographical or temporal boundaries. One type of cybercrime that continues to
capture the attention of researchers, practitioners, and the general public is cyberstalking.
While there is no single agreed-upon definition, generally speaking, cyberstalking victim-
ization involves repeated pursuit behavior via technology that causes the target to experi-
ence a substantial emotional response or fear for their safety or the safety of someone close
to them (e.g., D’Ovidio & Doyle, 2003; Maple et al., 2011).
Among the studies that estimate the extent of cyberstalking victimization, widely vari-
able prevalence estimates have emerged. The National Crime Victimization Survey’s
(NCVS) Supplemental Victimization Survey (SVS), the only national-level study assess-
ing the prevalence of cyberstalking victimization, was last administered in 2019 and
revealed that approximately 3.4 million people 16 years of age or older experienced
cyberstalking victimization within the year prior (Morgan & Truman, 2022). Most other
research on cyberstalking victimization presents estimates based on samples consisting
exclusively of college students (e.g., Kraft & Wang, 2010; Reyns et al., 2011, 2018).
Among these studies, victimization estimates range from 3.4% during the current aca-
demic year (Reyns et al., 2018) to nearly 41% within their lifetime (Reyns et al., 2011).
The wide range of prevalence estimates can be largely attributed to the differences in how
cyberstalking is measured. Some studies measure cyberstalking as repeated online pur-
suit, others measure it as repeated online pursuit that evokes fear, and still others measure
it as repeated online pursuit that evokes either fear or another substantial emotional
response (see Wilson et al., 2022).
While more scholarly attention is being directed toward understanding cyberstalking,
there are still questions about this phenomenon that remain unanswered. The present study
makes three primary contributions to cyberstalking victimization scholarship. First, to
address the limitation of the often exclusive use of college student samples, we surveyed
young adults aged 18- to 25-year old—including both college and noncollege students—to
determine whether student versus general samples impacts the estimated prevalence of
cyberstalking victimization. Second, and relatedly, several of the existing studies on cyber-
stalking victimization rely upon samples of a few hundred respondents (e.g., Jerin &
Dolinsky, 2001; Spitzberg & Hoobler, 2002). A small sample size likely is not representa-
tive of the population from which it was selected, and small samples limit the ability to
detect statistically significant relationships. Thus, in the current study, we utilize a large
sample of 1,500 respondents.
Finally, much of the early research on cyberstalking victimization is descriptive, report-
ing prevalence estimates and demographic characteristics. More recent work has been
grounded in an explanatory framework, with a focus on identifying theoretical predictors
of cyberstalking victimization (e.g., Reyns et al., 2011, 2018), typically from a lifestyle-
routine activity theory (LRAT) perspective. Though this collection of research has yielded
modest empirical support, we offer an alternative theoretical framework in the current
study for understanding cyberstalking victimization, the target congruence approach. The
target congruence approach centers on the needs or motives of the offender as an explana-
tion for why such victimization occurs. In short, we argue that the target congruence
approach and associated assumptions provide important framing for prevention and inter-
vention strategies.

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