Technological changes in the era of digitalization: What do collective agreements tell us?

Published date01 January 2023
AuthorVéra‐Line Montreuil,Roland Foucher
Date01 January 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/irj.12389
DOI: 10.1111/irj.12389
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Technological changes in the era of
digitalization: What do collective agreements
tell us?
VéraLine Montreuil |Roland Foucher
Department of Industrial Relations,
Université du Québec en Outaouais,
Québec, Canada
Correspondence
VéraLine Montreuil, Department of
Industrial Relations, Université du
Québec en Outaouais, Québec, Canada.
Email: vera.line.m@gmail.com
Abstract
Unionized organizations are implementing more than
ever technological changes to cope with an increas-
ingly changing and highly digital environment. Despite
the extensive literature on union responses to changes,
there is not much evidence on how unions and
employers draft provisions pertaining to technological
changes in collective agreements. Therefore, this paper
aims to conduct an indepth analysis of these provi-
sions in over 500 collective agreements signed between
2000 and 2020. Specifically, this study focuses on office
workers in two of the most important Canadian
industries, namely, the healthcare and manufacturing
sectors. The findings indicate that within the examined
provisions, the regulation of technological change
varies along a continuum that extends from no
obligations to stringent obligations on the part of the
employer. Moreover, the results show that these
provisions have remained stable over the past two
decades.
1|INTRODUCTION
Due to the pressure to become more efficient in an increasingly changing and highly digital
environment, unionized organizations are implementing more than ever a large number
of technological changes into the workplace (Brougham & Haar, 2018; Ouedraogo &
Ind. Relat. 2023;54:2039.20
|
wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/irj
© 2022 Brian Towers (BRITOW) and John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
Ouakouak, 2020). Over the past few years, the pace of technological progress has increased
considerably, and advances in robotization have disrupted the traditional modes of organizing
significantly (Turja et al., 2022). According to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD, 2019), 14% of workers will see their jobs become automated and 33% of
workers will see the content of their jobs profoundly transformed. These changes are expected
to affect all workers, regardless of their profession or sector of activity. Some companies are
already exploring solutions to automate a range of industrial, intellectual and social functions
(Dwivedi et al., 2021), and approximately 80% of large organizations have adopted some form of
artificial intelligence, which represents an increase of 70% over a period of 5 years (Ghosh
et al., 2019; Makarius et al., 2020). With the recent COVID19 pandemic, the phenomenon of
digitalization has become even more accentuated as a result of the widespread adoption of
remote or hybrid work where technologies have become vital to remain connected (Faraj
et al., 2021).
In such an era of digitalization and considering the critical role of unions in ensuring that
technological changes are made in the best interests of workers, it is surprising to note that to
date, no recent studies have analyzed the content of provisions regarding technological changes
in collective agreements. Most work analyzing the relationship between unionism and
workplace changes has either focused on the determinants of union responses to changes (e.g.,
Stroud & Fairbrother, 2011) or the effects of technological changes on workers (e.g., Goyal &
Aneja, 2020). While investigation of these issues is certainly enlightening, one piece of the
puzzle seems to be missing in the literature, namely, a careful study of provisions pertaining to
technological changes at a time when technology has more importance in unionized
organizations than ever before. Indeed, the literature is silent regarding the ways in which
these provisions are currently framed, and whether they have evolved since the turn of the
century to adapt collective agreements to today's reality. In light of these academic voids, this
research aims to make an indepth analysis of technological change provisions in over 500
collective agreements signed between 2000 and 2020. Specifically, this study focused on office
workers in two of the most important Canadian industries, namely, the healthcare and
manufacturing sectors. By conducting a comparative analysis, this research explores the
complexity, heterogeneity, and homogeneity that may emerge when employers and unions
draft provisions in the same country but in different sectors.
The remainder of this paper is divided into five sections. The first section of the paper
outlines the current debates on employers' obligations in collective agreements regarding
technological changes. The second section explains the empirical choice, namely the Canadian
context. The third section presents the research methodology. The fourth section presents and
discusses the main findings of the study. The fifth section outlines the limitations, implications,
directions for future research as well as a summary of the findings.
2|TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGES:
EMPLOYERS' OBLIGATIONS IN COLLECTIVE
AGREEMENTS
Technological changes can be defined as transformations stemming from the introduction of
new digital tools, materials, systems, and automated processes (Akyeampong, 2005;
Smith, 2002). Today, technological advances have permeated different spheres of society,
which affects all types of workers and organizations. As mentioned by Wright and Schultz
TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGES IN THE ERA OF DIGITALIZATION
|
21

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