A Systematic Social Observation Study of Police De-Escalation Tactics

• Published date: 01 December 2018
• Date: 01 December 2018
• DOI: 10.1177/1098611118784007
• Subject Matter: Articles

Article

A Systematic Social

Observation Study

of Police De-Escalation

Tactics

Natalie Todak

1

and Lois James

2

Abstract

This study analyzes 131 police–citizen interactions observed during Fall 2016 and

coded through systematic social observation. We assessed how often officers use

de-escalation tactics, factors associated with their use, and the relationship between

de-escalation and calm citizen demeanor. We found officers frequently employed de-

escalation tactics, including the “respect” tactic of treating citizens in a respectful

manner, the “human” tactic of getting on the citizen’s level and reducing power

imbalances, and the “honest” tactic of being up front about the facts of the situation.

Officers were more influenced by citizen demeanor than demographics in their use

of de-escalation. The use of several tactics, including “human” (reducing the power

differential between the cop and the citizen) and “calm” (the officer making an effort

to control his or her own emotions), was associated with calm citizen demeanor.

Directions for future research on this important topic are offered.

Keywords

police, de-escalation, systematic social observation, use of force, police–citizen

interactions

1

Department of Criminal Justice, University of Alabama at Birmingham, AL, USA

2

College of Nursing, Sleep and Performance Research Center, Washington State University, Spokane,

WA, USA

Corresponding Author:

Natalie Todak, Department of Criminal Justice, University of Alabama at Birmingham, 1202 University

Blvd., Birmingham, AL 35294-4562, USA.

Email: ntod@uab.edu

Police Quarterly

2018, Vol. 21(4) 509–543

!The Author(s) 2018

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DOI: 10.1177/1098611118784007

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There is a signif‌icant amount of scrutiny over police use of force today (Weitzer,

2015). While race has been a persistent theme through the history of American

policing (Dulaney, 1996; White & Fradella, 2016), recent high-prof‌ile events

have sparked unrest over use of force decisions made by police, particularly

in the context of interactions with minority citizens. Viral stories of police

using deadly force against unarmed Black men and boys, including Michael

Brown, Eric Garner, and Tamir Rice, have led to accusations of excessive

force, brutality, and racism, further eroding citizen trust in law enforcement.

Public concerns over the state of policing are one of the most polarizing issues

affecting American society today.

One suggestion to address the crisis has been for police agencies to implement

better de-escalation training and policies (see, e.g., Police Executive Research

Forum, 2015; President’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing, 2015). Police

off‌icers are well trained in use of force and defense tactics, and procedural justice

has been emphasized as a strategy to ensure citizens feel that they have been

treated fairly, courteously, and professionally in their encounters with police.

However, police training does not generally teach tactics for violence de-

escalation. In the same vein, most research studying police–citizen violence

has studied how, when, and why off‌icers decide to use force but has not exam-

ined techniques to avoid it. The present study assumed this latter goal. We

observed 131 police–citizen encounters on 35 ride-alongs in Spokane, WA, total-

ing 175 f‌ield hours, and coded each interaction using systematic social observa-

tion (SSO; see, e.g., Mastrofski, Parks, & McCluskey, 2010). Our study sought

to answer three research questions, to provide a f‌irst exploratory look at the use

of de-escalation by police:

1. How often do off‌icers use de-escalation tactics?

2. What suspect and off‌icer-level factors are associated with de-escalation

use? and

3. Is de-escalation associated with a success ful encounter outcome?

Literature Review

Use of Force and De-Escalation in Contemporary Context

Use of force is a def‌ining feature of police authority. Bittner (1970) identif‌ied the

role of police as the use or threat of coercion to enforce the law and protect the

public. He went on to argue, “the skill of policing consists of f‌inding ways to

avoid its use” (Bittner, 1974, p. 40), suggesting that while force is an option

unique to police, the off‌icer must also use force sparingly and only when nec-

essary to protect public safety (see also Fyfe, 1986, 1996; James, Todak, &

Savage, 2018; Klockars, 1996). A similar argument was made by Reiman

(1985), who believed in the collective right of citizens to demand the coercive

510 Police Quarterly 21(4)

authority of the police is used legitimately, competently, fairly, and in good faith

and to demand change when police actions violate one or more of

these principles.

In recent years, police shootings of Michael Brown and other unarmed Black

men set off a series of riots and nationwide criticism of police use of force. In

response, former President Obama formed a task force to investigate the state of

American policing (The Executive Off‌ice of the President, 2014). This crisis

inspired many agencies to renew their dedication to protecting human life and

fostering good relationships with the public. Procedural justice training is one

strategy that has emerged. Procedural justice involves citizen perceptions of their

interactions with police on four dimensions: participation, fairness and neutral-

ity, dignity and respect, and trustworthiness (Goodman-Delahunty, 2010; Tyler,

1988). Because evidence links citizen perceptions of procedural justice with their

attitudes toward and cooperation with police (Mazerolle, Antrobus, Bennett, &

Tyler, 2013; Sunshine & Tyler, 2003; Tyler, 2003), procedurally just police strat-

egies were highlighted as a recommendation in the Task Force’s f‌inal report

(President’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing, 2015).

The f‌inal report also recommended that police agencies adopt de-escalation

as an organizational philosophy (President’s Task Force on 21st Century

Policing, 2015), and recently, a few large agencies including the New York,

Seattle, and Dallas Police Departments have implemented de-escalation training

(Griff‌ith, 2016). When compared with procedural justice, however, very little

research has studied the topic of de-escalation in the context of policing. In

addition, the term de-escalation lacks a specif‌ic def‌inition. Some have argued

the term is a buzz word (Flosi, 2016; Force Science, 2016; Jackman, 2016;

Martinelli, 2016; T. Williams, 2015), while many police say they already use

de-escalation on the job on a daily basis. To do otherwise, they say, would mean

getting into a confrontation at every call—something many would prefer to

avoid. Still more have said de-escalation involves anything from talking, to

“sticking a gun in the suspect’s nose,” as long as the threat is neutralized

(T. Williams, 2015). Others disagree, arguing the strategy should involve using

less force, slowing down encounters, and communicating in ways that calm tense

situations. A specif‌ic def‌inition of de-escalation and an empirical understanding

of its current role in police work are clearly warranted.

Factors Influencing Police Use of Force

Research shows police use of force during citizen encounters is rare and—when

employed—most often low in severity (Alpert & Dunham, 2000; Eith & Durose,

2011; Terrill, 2005). Hickman, Piquero, and Garner (2008) did however observe

that force is more common in arrest situations, occurring in one in f‌ive arrests.

Studies examining predictors of use of force can be categorized into four groups:

individual, situational, organizational, and ecological.

Todak and James 511