“Sumak Kawsay Is Harmful for All of Us”: Oil Roads and Well-being among the Waorani in Ecuadorian Amazonia

AuthorAndrea Bravo Díaz
Published date01 May 2021
Date01 May 2021
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/0094582X211004909
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582X211004909
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, Issue 238, Vol. 48 No. 3, May 2021, 51–68
DOI: 10.1177/0094582X211004909
© 2021 Latin American Perspectives
51
Sumak Kawsay Is Harmful for All of Us”
Oil Roads and Well-being among the Waorani
in Ecuadorian Amazonia
by
Andrea Bravo Díaz
Exploration of the notion of waponi kewemonipa (living well) among Waorani
people living near oil camps suggests that the extractivist developmental model delivered
by the Ecuadorian government in the name of buen vivir (living well) is harmful to their
experience of well-being. For Waorani living well is related to peace, collective happiness,
and certain ecological experiences. The forest, a socio-biological ecological milieu, is the
ideal locus of the Waorani conception of living well, but environmental changes related to
oil camps and roads challenge their health and vitality.
La exploración de la noción de waponi kewemonipa (o buen vivir) entre los waorani
que viven cerca de los campamentos petroleros sugiere que el modelo de desarrollo extrac-
tivista fomentado por el gobierno ecuatoriano en nombre del “buen vivir” es perjudicial
para la experiencia indígena del bienestar. Para los Waorani, vivir bien se relaciona con la
paz, la felicidad colectiva y ciertas experiencias de índole ecológico. El bosque, un ambiente
socio-biológico, es el locus ideal de la concepción waorani del buen vivir, pero los cambios
ecológicos relacionados con los campos petroleros y las carreteras dificulta la experiencia
de su salud y vitalidad.
Keywords: Waorani, Living well, Oil roads, Ecuadorian Amazonia
In April 2017, when several indigenous leaders met in Quito to discuss what
they called the “Amazonian law,” among them was a group of Waorani leaders
that planned to submit suggestions to the Ecuadorian National Assembly on
the same day. During a break after several hours of discussion, one of the
Waorani leaders said, “I believe that sumak kawsay [living well] is harmful for
all of us.” These leaders perceived the Amazonian law, inspired by the national
developmental model of buen vivir (living well), as a new governmental attempt
to control their land and resources in the name of national well-being. This law,
whose Article 1 established an ideal of sustainable development “based on the
principles of sumak kawsay,” was approved in 2018 by the National Assembly
Andrea Bravo Díaz obtained her doctoral degree from University College London in 2020 and
currently works for the Instituto de Salud Pública at the Pontificia Universidad Católica del
Ecuador. She is grateful for the hospitality of the Waorani people and for their insightful and
generous participation in the activities related to this research. She also thanks her doctoral super-
visors, Marc Brightman and Sara Randall, who provided advice on the research that inspired this
article. The Secretariat for Higher Education, Science, Technology, and Innovation of Ecuador
provided funding for this research.
1004909LAPXXX10.1177/0094582X211004909Latin American PerspectivesBravo Díaz / OIL ROADS AND WELL-BEING IN ECUADORIAN AMAZONIA
research-article2021
52 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
as the Organic Law for Integrated Planning of the Amazon Special Territory.
Acknowledging that the Ecuadorian development model differs from the
indigenous Kichwa notion of sumak kawsay (Whitten and Whitten, 2015), this
paper describes the pernicious ways in which the national model of living well
is being implemented in Waorani villages affected by oil extraction, becoming
a challenge to the Waorani practice of waponi kewemonipa (living well)—a notion
recorded in the ethnographic literature (Rival, 1992: 113, 161) long before
the re cent popularity of the living-well debate.
Noting that there are different definitions of “living well” in the Ecuadorian
case (Bretón, 2017), the critique of Ecuadorian living well in this paper refers to
the governmental approach, which has ignored its local and indigenous defini-
tions (Altmann, 2017; Whitten and Whitten, 2015) while promoting an extrac-
tive model that is far from the initial proposals of social movements, indigenous
leaders, and leftist intellectuals that inspired the living-well debate. As Acosta
(2017: 2606) suggests in reference to the Ecuadorian governmental approach to
living well, this approach has “emptied the concept of all its content.” Other
critics (e.g., Bretón, 2017; Viola, 2014) argue that most attempts to define “living
well” have failed to include systematic ethnohistoric and ethnographic-based
research. While contributing to the literature that criticizes the extractivist
developmental model delivered in Ecuadorian Amazonia in the name of “liv-
ing well” (Lu, Valdivia, and Silva, 2017; Uzendoski, 2018), this article provides
in-depth ethnographic insight into the Waorani waponi kewemonipa. This eth-
nographic approach, based on long-term fieldwork, introduces aspects of the
Waorani conception and practice of living well that are important for under-
standing the negative impacts of the extractive model experienced by Waorani
people in their daily lives, among them the perception of environmental
changes near the oil camps.
The Waorani conception of living well is related to peace, collective happi-
ness, and certain ecological experiences. While the forest, a socio-biological
ecological milieu, contributes to Waorani living well, the oil camps and roads
opened in their territory challenge their health and vitality. Waorani people do
not have a term that can be directly translated as “health.” In referring to health
they use expressions such as “I am well” (waa imopa), “living well” (waa kewin-
gui), and “being strong” (teemo piyengue). While acknowledging this ontologi-
cal understanding of bodily strength as related to health and well-being, this
article is centered on the ecological dimension of Waorani well-being.
The next section presents the methodological approach of this paper, and it
is followed by an introduction to the Waorani people. A brief historical account
of the tensions between indigenous people and the Ecuadorian government
presents the framing of the research. After an overview of recent studies of
well-being across Amazonia, the Waorani notion of living well is explored in
two sections. Starting with a discussion of the earlier literature on the Waorani,
an analysis of the ecological experiences that contribute to the maintenance of
living well shows that their proximity to oil camps and roads is harmful to
Waorani well-being. The description of a developmental extractive model that
is far from the Waorani ideal of living well allows me to conclude that the
“Ecuadorian sumak kawsay” as delivered by the government is indeed harm-
ful to Waorani people.

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