Studying Stepfamilies: Four Eras of Family Scholarship

AuthorLawrence Ganong,Marilyn Coleman
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/famp.12307
Date01 March 2018
Published date01 March 2018
Studying Stepfamilies: Four Eras of Family
Scholarship
LAWRENCE GANONG*
MARILYN COLEMAN
To read this article in Simplified Mandarin, please see the article’s Supporting Information on Wiley
Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/famp).
Historically, there have always been stepfamilies, but until the early 1970s, they
remained largely unnoticed by social scientists. Research interest in stepfamilies followed
shortly after divorce became the primary precursor to stepfamily formation. Because step-
families are structurally diverse and much more complex than nuclear families, they have
created considerable challenges for both researchers and clinicians. This artic le examines
four eras of stepfamily scholarship, tracing the development of research questions , study
designs and methods, and conceptual frameworks from the mid-1970s to the present and
drawing implications for the current state of the field.
Keywords: Cohabitation; Divorce; Remarriag e; Research Designs; Stepfamilies
Fam Proc 57:7–24, 2017
Stepfamilies are ubiquitous. In a 2011 U.S. survey conducted by the Pew Research Cen-
ter, 40% of respondents reported a stepparent, stepchild, or other close stepkin; about
50% of those under age 30 had a close step-relative (Parker, 2011). In 2013, 40% of U.S.
marriages represented a remarriage for one or both partners (Lewis & Kreider, 2015), and
8% of married adults had been married three or more times (Livingston, 2014). There are
now nearly twice as many remarried adults in the United States as in 1980 (Livingston,
2014). Recent statistics indicate that 15% of American children live with a stepparent and
parent (Pew Research Center, 2015).
Although other western nations have been less committed to remarriage than Ameri-
cans, remarried and cohabiting stepfamilies exist in some form in nearly eve ry country in
the world (e.g., De Jong Gierveld & Merz, 2013; Nicholson, Fergusson, & Horwood, 1999).
Even Asian countries with historically low rates of divorce are experiencing increases in
remarriage and stepfamily formation (Kim, 2010; Nozawa, 2015).
A growing awareness of the pervasiveness of stepfamilies has been accompanied by a
40-year explosion of social science research on stepfamilies and step relationships. In this
relatively short span, the body of research on stepfamilies has grown from less than a
dozen U.S. studies in the 1970s (Espinoza & Newman, 1979) to thousands of published
works conducted by scholars from nearly two dozen countries (Ganong & Coleman, 2017).
Other articles in this subsection discuss the current research relevant to clinicians. This
article offers a broad historical overview of the specific ways in which stepfamily scholar -
ship has changed and grown, and identifies what remains problematic. We conclude with
*Department of Human Development and Family Science and Sinclair School of Nursing, University of
Missouri, Columbia, MO.
Department of Human Development and Family Science, University of Missouri, Columbia, MO.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Lawrence Ganong, Department of
Human Development and Family Science, Sinclair School of Nursing, University of Missouri, Columbia,
MO 65211. E-mail: ganongl@missouri.edu.
7
Family Process, Vol. 57, No. 1, 2018 ©2017 Family Process Institute
doi: 10.1111/famp.12307
suggestions for future research and projections about the challenges facing stepfamily
researchers and practitioners.
Defining Stepfamilies
We define a stepfamily as a family in which at least one of the adults has a child (or chi l-
dren) from a previous relationship. A stepparent is an adult whose partner has at least one
child from a previous relationship. A stepchild is a person whose parent (or parents) are
partnered with someone who is not their biological or adoptive parent. Stepchildren may
have siblings with whom they share both parents in common, half-siblings with whom
they have one parent in common, and stepsiblings with whom they have no parents in
common. These definitions do not limit stepfamily status to those who share a household.
Whether stepparents and stepchildren live together, either full-time or part-time, they do
have a relationship and they share family membership. Our stepfamily definition also
includes gay and lesbian couples in which at least one partner brings a child into the rela-
tionship. Because cohabiting stepfamilies are increasing in North America (Kreider &
Ellis, 2011), and they constitute a large proportion of stepfamilies in Europe, New Zeal-
and, and Australia (Beier, Hofacker, Marchese, & Rupp, 2010; Pryor, 2008), these defini-
tions include cohabiting, unmarried stepcouples.
THE CONTEXT OF STEPFAMILY SCHOLARSHIP
Researchers who study families are necessarily firmly entrenched within their cultural
time and place. They are affected by demographic trends, changes in social values, and
even politics. They also are influenced by a variety of other forces, including: the commu-
nity of scholars who study and write about the same topic, the priorities set by funding
agencies, the biases of colleagues and editors who review manuscripts for journals, and
the concerns of promotion and tenure committees. The impact of these forces on the study
of stepfamilies is instructive for current and future researchers and for clinicians who
work with stepfamilies.
Stepfamilies Before the 1970s
An infant born in the United States in the late 19th century could expect to live about
half as long as one born in the late 20th century (Arias, 2015). Many parents died when
their children were quite young. For most parents, finding a new spouse or partner was
critical for survival. Consequently, throughout most of human history, stepfamilies were
formed when a parent died and the widowed parent remarried or repartnered. Histori-
cally, stepfamily members shared a single household, and stepparents functionally
replaced deceased parents in earning a living, managing the household, and rearing chil-
dren. Because mothers as well as fathers died young (Arias, 2015), throug hout most of
human history stepfamily households probably contained as many stepmothers as stepfa-
thers. Perhaps because replacing a parent who died was a necessity, especially in an agri-
culturally focused society, little thought was given to how well these stepfamilies
functioned.
A Demographic Turning Point
In the United States in the early 1970s, for the first time ever, more stepfamilies were
formed after divorce than after the death of a parent (Strow & Strow, 2006). By the mid-
1970s and early 1980s, other western nations (e.g., Canada, Australia, New Zealand) were
experiencing similar changes.
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