Stalling the State: How Digital Platforms Contribute to and Profit From Delays in the Enforcement and Adoption of Regulations

AuthorJoanna Mazur,Marcin Serafin
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/00104140221089651
Published date01 January 2023
Date01 January 2023
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/00104140221089651
Comparative Political Studies
© The Author(s) 2022
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DOI: 10.1177/00104140221089651
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Article
Stalling the State:
How Digital Platforms
Contribute to and
Profit From Delays in
the Enforcement and
Adoption of Regulations
Joanna Mazur1 and Marcin Serafin2
Abstract
While it is often claimed that the pace of digital transformation is such that
its own, often glacial changes do not allow the state to catch up, we argue
that technological companies, with the help of some state actors, have been
slowing the state down. To capture this phenomenon, we introduce the
notion of stalling strategies. We argue that stalling strategies have allowed
digital platforms to create time that they have spent generating revenue
and accumulating platform power, which later protected them from state
actions. Drawing on a case study of Uber in Poland and a number of shadow
cases, we distinguish five stalling strategies: reinventing classifications,
dragging out court proceedings, stealing the time of street-level bureaucrats,
delaying new regulations, and taking time to (not) comply. By analyzing
stalling strategies, this article contributes to discussions about the politics of
platform capitalism, the temporality of digitalization, and institutional drift.
1Faculty of Management, University of Warsaw, Warsaw, Poland
2
Institute of Philosophy and Sociology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw, Poland/
Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies, Cologne, Germany
Corresponding Author:
Marcin Serafin, Max Planck Partner Group for the Sociology of Economic Life at the Institute
of Philosophy and Sociology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Nowy Świat 72, Warsaw
00-330, Poland.
Email: serafin@mpifg.de
1089651
CPSXXX10.1177/00104140221089651Comparative Political StudiesMazur and Seraf‌in
research-article2022
2023, Vol. 56(1) 101–130
102 Comparative Political Studies 56(1)
Keywords
platform power, institutional drift, Uber, law enforcement, entrenchment
Introduction
Why have digital platforms been able to grow so quickly, even in the institu-
tionally hostile environments of heavily regulated markets? The expansion of
digital platforms into social life has been taking place at an astounding speed.
This is clear from the growing economic value of digital platforms such as
Uber, Airbnb, Facebook, Google, and Tinder, but also from the growing num-
ber of social interactions that digital platforms now mediate (Kenney et al.,
2021).
The speed of digitalization is perhaps best illustrated by the rise of Uber
(Adler, 2021; Chan & Kwok, 2021; Calo & Rosenblat, 2017; Collier et al.,
2018; Rahman & Thelen, 2019; Seidl, 2021; Serafin, 2019). In the course of
less than 10 years, Uber has been able to successfully enter many heavily
regulated taxi markets and turn from a small startup located in Silicon Valley
into a global company with 14 billion dollars in revenue. Its business strategy
has been based on fast and effective expansion into new markets, which is
characterized by—among other things—its constant eagerness to highlight
the number of cities in which it operates. But the strong emphasis on the pace
of expansion is not unique to Uber. It is a characteristic of the business mod-
els of other digital platforms as well, as they aim to become “too big to ban”
(Pollman & Barry, 2017, pp. 400–403). In order to be successful, digital plat-
forms need to achieve a scale that ensures the effectiveness of linking various
groups of clients (Evans & Schmalensee, 2010; Rahman & Thelen, 2019;
Culpepper & Thelen, 2020).
The rapid growth of digital platforms should not be seen as self-evident.
Like other technological innovations (Bijker, 2007), the growth of platforms
has been a contested process (Schüßler et al., 2021). It is easy to forget now,
but Uber was not always the powerful incumbent it is today, with its domi-
nant position in most taxi markets around the world. It started as a small
challenger that, although armed with the deep pockets of venture capital, was
entering heavily regulated markets with powerful incumbent taxi corpora-
tions and entrenched rent-seeking interests of medallion owners (Collier et
al., 2018, p. 921).
One explanation for the rapid growth of digital platforms can be summa-
rized by Facebook’s motto “move fast and break things” or Uber’s “it’s better
to beg forgiveness than ask permission” (Tusk, 2018, p. 109; Kirchner &
Schüßler, 2020). The speed of digitalization, the argument goes, is related to

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