Spirituality and Religion After Homicide and Suicide: Families and Friends Tell Their Stories

• DOI: 10.1177/1088767918807263
• Published date: 01 May 2020
• Date: 01 May 2020
• Subject Matter: Articles

807263HSXXXX10.1177/1088767918807263Homicide StudiesMastrocinque et al.
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Article
Homicide Studies
2020, Vol. 24(2) 107 –126
Spirituality and Religion
© 2018 SAGE Publications
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DOI: 10.1177/1088767918807263
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Families and Friends Tell
Their Stories
Jeanna M. Mastrocinque1, Taylor Hartwell2,
Jed W. Metzger3, Renae Carapella-Johnson4,
Peter K. Navratil5, and Catherine Cerulli6
Abstract
This article presents results from seven focus groups (n = 27) with families and
friends bereaved by homicide or suicide of a loved one, and focuses on spirituality
and religion in the aftermath of these traumatic deaths. In exploring how these deaths
affected participants’ spirituality and religion, several themes emerged: parental
spirituality and intuition, finding comfort, internal challenges with spirituality and
religion, and connection with spiritual and religious communities. Experiences and
recommendations for responders are discussed. This research draws comparisons
between homicides and suicides to elucidate participants’ unique spiritual and
religious needs and better inform tailored approaches.
Keywords
homicide, suicide, spirituality, religion, bereavement
1Rowan University, Glassboro, NJ, USA
2George Mason University, Fairfax, VA, USA
3Nazareth College, Rochester, NY, USA
4Family Service Society, Inc., Corning, NY, USA
5Tree of Hope Counseling, Rochester, NY, USA
6University of Rochester; Susan B. Anthony Center, Rochester, NY, USA
Corresponding Author:
Jeanna M. Mastrocinque, Department of Law and Justice Studies, Rowan University, Campbell Library,
5th Floor, 201 Mullica Hill Road, Glassboro, NJ 08028, USA.
Email: mastrocinque@rowan.edu

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Homicide Studies 24(2)
Importance of the Issue
Homicide and suicide are major public health issues in the United States. The most
recent statistics from the National Center for Injury Prevention and Control report in
2016 is that over 44,965 people died by suicide and over 19,000 people died by homi-
cide (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Injury Prevention
and Control, n.d.). A further breakdown of these statistics by age group illustrates that
suicide and homicide are the second and third leading causes of death for 15- to
24-year olds and 25- to 34-year olds, respectively (Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention, National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, n.d.). Behind each of
these deaths lies a less studied public health issue: the number of family members and
friends who are left in the aftermath of sudden death tragedies with myriad health
burdens and complex resource needs (Mastrocinque, Metzger, Madeira, Lang, Sandys,
Navratil, & Cerulli, 2015). Reports roughly estimate that for every suicide loss, six
other people are intimately affected (American Society of Suicidology, n.d.), and for
every homicide death, 10 people are affected (Holmes, 2004).
Bereavement After Death
After a loved one’s death, the grieving process includes “numbness, pining, disorgan-
isation and despair, [and] reorganisation” (Parkes, 1998, p. 857). The grieving process
can include mental health and physical effects, and could become more complicated
due to the circumstances of death, the relationship between the deceased and the
bereaved, and the support received (see, Ambrose, n.d.). In addition, the response to
deaths that are traumatic compared with deaths that are not traumatic, may have unique
consequences and a unique grieving process (see, Malone, 2007; Stroebe, Schut, &
Finkenauer, 2001).
Studies have examined the consequences of traumatic unexpected death, including
examining the specific consequences of violent deaths, such as homicide and suicide, on
the bereaved (Murphy, Johnson, & Lohan, 2002). Homicide produces far-reaching and
wide-ranging consequences for family and friends (Amick-McMullan, Kilpatrick, &
Resnick, 1991; Jacobs, Wellman, Fuller, Anderson, & Jurado, 2016; Mastrocinque et al.,
2015; Rynearson & McCreery, 1993; Wellman, 2017; Zinzow, Rheingold, Byczkiewicz,
Saunders, & Kilpatrick, 2011), including psychophysiological disorders (e.g., cardiovas-
cular issues, decreased disease resistance; Miller, 2008), complicated grieving (Neimeyer
& Burke, 2011; Stroebe et al., 2001), and PTSD (posttraumatic stress disorder; Amick-
McMullan et al., 1991; Murphy et al., 2002; Zinzow et al., 2011).
Family and friend responses to suicide are similar in many ways to that of homi-
cide with the important added factor of guilt, often prevalent for families and friends
bereaved by suicide (Cerel, Jordan, & Duberstein, 2008; Schneider, Grebner,
Schnabel, & Georgi, 2011). A meta-analysis by Sveen and Walby (2008) found
health and mental health responses were similar between people bereaved by homi-
cide and suicide, with the important exception of shame and stigma. Additional
research has linked stigma and shame to family and friend responses following the

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Mastrocinque et al.
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suicide of a loved one (Harwood, Hawton, Hope, & Jacoby, 2002; Knieper, 1999).
Related, people bereaved by suicide are likely to hide the cause of death from others,
including family members (e.g., children; see, Cerel et al., 2008). Notably, although
those bereaved by suicide are a unique group, they should not be seen as homoge-
neous (Bailley, Kral, & Dunham, 1999).
Role of Spiritual and Religious Support
Research supports that seeking support and disclosing emotions about the loss of a loved
one can have positive mental and physical health consequences, whereas not disclosing
such emotions can affect several dimensions of one’s health (e.g., psychological, social;
Pennebaker, Zech, & Rimé, 2001). A possible source of support for those bereaved by
homicide or suicide is spirituality and religion; however, the relationship with one’s
spirituality and religion in the aftermath of a traumatic death differs among people.
Religion has been shown to be an important dimension of well-being for people who are
dealing with major life stressors (Pargament, Smith, Koenig, & Perez, 1998), with
research also specifically focusing on how faith affects people bereaved by homicide
(Armour & Umbreit, 2012). Those bereaved by homicide who have strong self-reported
faith prior to the homicide appear to fair better following the homicide, and these find-
ings are supported in cold cases as well (Wellman, 2014). Research with people bereaved
by suicide supports that people with higher spirituality experienced lower levels of grief
(Meyers, 2006, as cited in Colucci & Martin, 2008). There are myriad challenges in
help-seeking, which can include language barriers, affording formalized services, and
family pressure to not seek outside help (Provini, Everett, & Pfeffer, 2000). It is impor-
tant to note that some people who are grieving will rely on their spirituality or religion
for support, whether through formalized places or personal worship, and for some peo-
ple this will be the only support system they seek, as opposed to accessing formal mental
health services (Boyd-Franklin & Lockwood, 2008; Walsh, 2008).
Although religion is an important aspect of one’s posthomicide and postsuicide
experiences, the type of death can affect one’s relationship with spirituality. For
example, forgiveness is a tenet in many religions, and those bereaved by homicide
have diverse views on incorporating forgiveness into their posthomicide journeys
(Armor & Umbreit, 2012; Hargrave, Froeschle, & Castillo, 2008; Mastrocinque et al.,
2015). Many people bereaved by suicide note concerns regarding the tenet in many
religions that suicide is a sin (see, Colucci & Martin, 2008; Domino, Cohen, &
Gonzalez, 1981; Knieper, 1999).
A previous study with people bereaved by homicide supported that homicide affects
the health of families and friends, and built on Engel’s biopsychosocial model by sug-
gesting that spirituality be incorporated into addressing one’s holistic health (Engel,
1977; Mastrocinque et al., 2015). It was beyond the scope of that work to focus on how
the spiritual needs, experiences, and interactions affect one’s posthomicide experiences.
The current study adds to the previous contributions by focusing on these aspects of
spirituality, and includes people bereaved by suicide, allowing the rare opportunity to
explore the experiences for both of these groups of families and friends, and to discuss

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Homicide Studies 24(2)
tailored resources. The current study utilizes a qualitative approach to add stories of the
bereaved to the evolving knowledge of the specific challenges faced by those who
experience the death of a family member to homicide or suicide. Qualitative methods
were used to drill down the role of spirituality when grieving, and to understand the true
needs of the bereaved from providers and the larger systemic response.
Method
Guiding Principles and Theoretical Framework
This research was based on the principles of community-based participatory research
(CBPR) (Israel, Schulz, Parker, & Becker, 2001; Rubin & Babbie, 2005). CBPR
includes, among other ideas, incorporating community entities as active and equal
participants and contributors to the research and research team (Israel et al., 2001). In
addition, CBPR research appreciates the identity of the community, and approaches
research as a “cyclical and iterative...