Spectacle, Surveillance, and the Ironies of Visual Politics in the Age of Autonomous Images

Published date01 October 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/00905917231173442
AuthorMark Reinhardt
Date01 October 2023
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/00905917231173442
Political Theory
2023, Vol. 51(5) 814 –842
© The Author(s) 2023
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DOI: 10.1177/00905917231173442
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Article
Spectacle, Surveillance,
and the Ironies of Visual
Politics in the Age of
Autonomous Images
Mark Reinhardt1
Abstract
Considering formative twentieth-century theories in relation to
contemporary technosocial developments, this article examines ideas of
spectacle and surveillance as ways of approaching visual politics. I argue that
the historically important relationship between the visual and political fields
is now intensifying and mutating. First discussing Guy Debord’s The Society of
the Spectacle, I show how his influential approach proves inadequate to the
politics of image-saturated societies. I next show how critics of imperial and
racial spectacles, from Michael Rogin to Claudia Rankine and Tina Campt,
provide better ways of engaging power and political contestation in the visual
field. Third, I examine how Michel Foucault deployed notions of spectacle in
his own work but argued for leaving the term behind, presenting surveillance
as not just a different modality of power but also spectacle’s temporal
successor. This account remains essential for both historical understanding
and reckoning with contemporary surveillance. Fourth, however, as Simone
Browne argues, Foucault’s separation between spectacle and surveillance
is too stark, his history too prone to occlude race. Furthermore, recent
surveillance technologies and practices have changed in ways that confound
his terms, while extending and also altering the racial dynamics explored
earlier in the essay. Today, even surveillance based on optical media
contributes to a “postvisual” image world in which algorithmic, machine-
machine communication abets forms of power neither tied to human
1Williams College, Williamstown, MA, USA
Corresponding Author:
Mark Reinhardt, Williams College, 24 Hopkins Hall Dr., Williamstown, MA 01267-2600, USA.
Email: mrein@williams.edu
1173442PTXXXX10.1177/00905917231173442Political TheoryReinhardt
research-article2023
Reinhardt 815
perception nor graspable as subject formation. With surprising assistance
from Debord, I end by discussing the significant theoretical and political
challenges posed by the ironies of postvisual visuality.
Keywords
visual politics, spectacle, surveillance, racialization, postvisual
“We are beings who are looked at in the spectacle of the world.”
—Jacques Lacan
“What senses, what organs will people grow to pick up invisible images?”
—Hito Steyerl
On May 25, 2020, seventeen-year-old Darnella Frazier used her cellphone to
capture George Floyd’s murder. Millions watched the video, and stills drawn
from it circulated globally in the press and on social media. Condensing per-
vasive experiences of anti-Black violence and imposed indignity, the sight of
a white officer’s knee on Floyd’s neck helped launch waves of protest. The
sight’s mobilizing power came not only from echoing other pictures of police
brutality past and present but also from rhyming with the kneeling figure of
Colin Kaepernick: the brutal act depicted was obviously crucial, but so, too,
was how the searing image of that brutality looked and traveled. Part of what
made the moment of racialized violence a flashpoint was its visual politics.1
But what does it mean to say that? How might we grasp the visual politics of
this moment, and those like it? What are the ways in which we might engage
with visual politics more broadly, and how might doing so matter for the
teaching and practice of political theory today?
I use the term “visual politics” to name how, across time and space, the
optical field of perceptibility and the political field of individual and collec-
tive action shape each other, as political structures and struggles create or
constrain ways of seeing and depicting, even as images and visual practices
in turn help produce the subjects, objects, activities, and contours of political
1. Saying that neither discounts prior organizing by M4BL nor makes the Floyd
murder the only act of police violence precipitating the protests—as if any one
video or set of still images could create a mass movement from nothing. I merely
aim to underscore some of what made the footage from that day both revealing
and important.

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