Situational Peer Dynamics and Crime Decisions
Author | Greg Pogarsky,Timothy C. Barnum |
DOI | 10.1177/00224278211070498 |
Published date | 01 August 2022 |
Date | 01 August 2022 |
Subject Matter | Original Research Articles |
Situational Peer
Dynamics and Crime
Decisions
Timothy C. Barnum
1
and Greg Pogarsky
2
Abstract
Objectives: To investigate how peer dynamics, specifically interpersonal con-
versations between a potential offender and a peer, contemporaneous with
a crime opportunity, influence perceptions of sanction certainty and social
costs. Methods: Data are analyzed from randomized experiments and hypo-
thetical vignettes embedded within a nationwide, online survey (n=1,275).
Vignettes were presented for three distinct crime opportunities, drunk
driving, fighting, and insurance fraud. Results: The findings suggest that
respondents adjust two core decision-making perceptions—the perceived
certainty of being legally sanctioned and perceived social costs such as
stigma or embarrassment—in accord with the content of verbal communi-
cations from peers. There is evidence for this both between and within sub-
jects. Conclusions: The study underscores the importance of accounting for
both physical and social features of the situational con text for crime in
models of offender decision making. Implications are drawn regarding the
social milieu for offender decision making, and the broader criminological
relevance of choice principles.
1
Department of Criminology, Max Planck Institutefor the Study of Crime, Security and Law,
Freiburg, Germany
2
School of Criminal Justice, University at Albany –SUNY
Corresponding Author:
Timothy C. Barnum, Department of Criminology, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Crime,
Security and Law, Freiburg, Germany.
Email: tbarnum@tamusa.edu
Original Research Article
Journal of Research in Crime and
Delinquency
2022, Vol. 59(5) 535–573
© The Author(s) 2022
Article reuse guidelines:
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DOI: 10.1177/00224278211070498
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Keywords
decision making, deterrence, rational choice, peer dynamics, social context
Considerable advancements on offender decision making have materialized
since Nagin’s (2007) influential call to move choice center stage.
Knowledge has grown on emotional influences (van Gelder, De Vries,
and van Der Pligt 2009; Barnum and Solomon 2019; Pickett, Roche, and
Pogarsky 2018), behavioral economic heuristics and biases (Loughran,
Paternoster, and Weiss 2012; Pickett 2018; Pogarsky et al. 2017, 2018),
the coherence of sanction risk perceptions (Barnum, Nagin and Pogarsky
2020; Thomas, Hamilton, and Loughran 2018), and enhancing the realism
of decision making research with videos and virtual reality (van Gelder
et al. 2019). These subtopics reflect an increasingly granular focus on the
contexts and situations in which opportunities for crime arise.
The immediate context for crime consists partly of environmental factors,
such as lighting, disorder, land usage, and neighborhood configuration (e.g.,
Clarke and Cornish 1985; Nagin, Solow, and Lum 2015; Chalfin, Kaplan,
and LaForest 2021). But people also contribute to this context, as instigators,
co-offenders, peers, bystanders, and law enforcement (Haynie 2001; Warr
2002; McGloin and Nguyen 2012). We are interested in the interpersonal
dynamics that ensue during opportunities for crime. Research on peer influ-
ence ascribes the behavioral concordance among associated individuals
partly to attitude and value transmission over time. Yet less is explicitly
known about how peers affect judgments about the consequences from
crime while people face an opportunity to offend. Research has shown
that structural attributes of a social configuration, such as density or size,
indirectly influence contemporaneous judgments about the consequences
from offending (Haynie and Osgood 2005; McGloin and Rowan 2015;
McGloin and Thomas 2016). However, more active forms of influence
also take place when group members exchange information with one
another during an opportunity for crime (McCarthy et al. 1998; Granic
and Dishion 2003; Weerman 2003; Sirakaya 2006).
This study investigates how verbal communications—situation-relevant
statements between two or more people—among peers, affect contempora-
neous judgments about the potential legal and extralegal consequences asso-
ciated with an opportunity to offend. Several theoretical expectations were
developed by integrating concepts from the peers and decision-making
536 Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 59(5)
literatures. Data were analyzed from randomized experiments embedded in
a survey containing hypothetical vignettes for three distinct crime opportu-
nities: drunk driving, fighting, and insurance fraud. Findings suggest that
although an actor may enter a criminogenic situation with a general sense
of the risks and costs entailed in offending, the social setting presents addi-
tional dynamics that help shape these judgments for contemporaneous deci-
sion making.
Social Context for Offending Decisions
A persistent debate in criminology concerns whether associated individuals
behave similarly to one another because of selection or influence. Under the
selection perspective, the behavioral concordance among affiliated persons
results because likeminded people associate with one another (e.g.,
Gottfredson and Hirschi 1990). However, associated individuals also
behave similarly because they influence one another (McGloin 2009;
Pyrooz et al. 2021). Normative influences emphasize value systems and/or
subcultures inculcated through processes of social learning (Burgess and
Akers 1966; McGloin and Thomas 2019). They are grounded in core
human instincts to seek acceptance and avoid rejection. These processes
do not require a confluence of persons and circumstances since they
unfold over time. Moreover, the longstanding behavioral correspondence
between associated individuals exists irrespective of the time they spend
physically together (Warr 2002).
A distinct form of peer influence occurs during the more immediate sit-
uations in which opportunities for crime unfold. According to Osgood et al.
(1996), associated persons form a social configuration, wherein the primary
impetus for crime and delinquency can reside. Consistent with this, geo-
graphic areas where people convene, in bars and restaurants or for other
commercial activity, tend to have more crime than residential areas do
(e.g., Roncek 1981; Weisburd, Bushway, Lum, and Yang 2004). Some of
this situational peer influence is passive, as when the mere presence of
others during a crime opportunity, apart from any interpersonal interactions,
influences the decision maker (Hochstetler 2001; Gardner and Steinburg
2005; Matsueda 2013). For example, McGloin and Thomas (2016) extended
Granovetter’s (1978) threshold model for collective deviance (see also
McGloin and Rowan 2015). The authors grounded a perceptual deterrence
survey in two social contexts, a college football game, and a concert in a
park. The vignettes randomly varied the number of co-offenders participat-
ing in disorderly conduct and vandalism. They found that with more
Barnum and Pogarsky 537
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