Silencing Human Rights Defenders Once and for All? Determinants of Human Rights Defenders’ Killings

Published date01 March 2024
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/10659129231217282
AuthorMatthew Krain,Amanda Murdie,Abigail Beard
Date01 March 2024
Subject MatterArticles
Article
Political Research Quarterly
2024, Vol. 77(1) 401–416
© The Author(s) 2023
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DOI: 10.1177/10659129231217282
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Silencing Human Rights Defenders Once
and for All? Determinants of Human Rights
Defenders’Killings
Matthew Krain
1
, Amanda Murdie
2
, and Abigail Beard
1
Abstract
When are human rights defenders at risk of being killed? Echoing research on journalist killings, we argue that a
democratic context makes it easier for human rights defenders to operate and incentivizes them to continue
activities and to pursue information that puts them at risk. De jure protections that defenders have may not be
enforced or may not protect defenders from bad actors engaging in politically motivated murder. These factors
make human rights defenders more likely to be killed by actors trying to avoid the spotlight and exposure in
democratic systems than in other types of regimes. Autocratic regimes provide fewer opportunities to freely
advocate for human rights and to pursue or disseminate information about human rights violations by state or non-
state actors, reducing the likelihood of defender mortality. Using two new sets of cross-national data on the number
of killings of human rights defenders between 1997 and 2010 and from 2014 to 2020, we f‌ind that these arguments
are generally supported when controlling for other factors that affect the killing of human rights defenders,
particularly in democracies with lower state capacity.
Keywords
human rights, human rights defenders, democracy, killings
On March 2, 2016, environmental and indigenous peo-
ples’rights activist Berta C´
aceres was murdered in her
home in Honduras. C´
aceres had recently highlighted
concerns about corruption and human rights abuses that
led a major company to have to withdraw from a dam-
building project. Authorities later arrested the president of
the company and charged him with plotting her murder
(Ramirez 2018). Five years later in the Philippines, on
March 7, 2021, police killed Emmanuel “Manny”
Asuncion at the Workers’Assistance Center in the city of
Dasmariñas. Asuncion, a labor advocate who was in
charge of reporting rights abuses in the province to local
human rights monitors, was one of nine human rights
defenders killed during “Bloody Sunday,”a coordinated
state crackdown across the Philippines (Bolledo 2023).
On May 2, 2023, criminal gangs in Celaya, Guanajuato, in
Mexico, were suspected of killing Teresa Magueyal. Ms.
Magueyal, whose 31-year-old son went missing 3 years
prior, was a member of a collective of families of the
disappeared who conducted searches for loved ones
“given the lack of effective investigation or response from
the authorities”(Frontline Defenders 2023b).
The murders of Berta C´
aceres, Manny Asuncion,
and Teresa Magueyal are part of a larger pattern of
targeted killing of members of civil society in general,
and of human rights defenders (HRD) in particular. In
2022 alone, at least 401 human rights defenders were
killed because of their work, up from 136 in 2014
(Frontline Defenders 2015;2023a). Whether targeted
by violent or corrupt non-state actors trying to silence
activists or by state actors engaging in crackdowns on
civil society, activists, lawyers, family members, non-
governmental organization (NGO) workers, and others
f‌ind themselves at risk because of the key roles that they
play at the local or national level in defending human
rights.
1
College of Wooster, Wooster, OH, USA
2
University of Georgia, Athens, GA, USA
Corresponding Author:
Amanda Murdie, International Affairs, University of Georgia, 327
Candler Hall, Athens, GA 30602, USA.
Email: murdie@uga.edu
During the last decade, human rights defenders have
seen an increase in both the importance of, and risk in-
herent in, their roles (Forst 2018). Research on the closing
of civil society space has focused on the repressive tar-
geting of NGOs, as states or violent non-state actors make
it harder for local NGOs and transnational advocacy
networks to monitor behavior, operate within a country, or
disseminate information about rights abuses (Bakke et al.
2020;Chaudhry and Heiss 2022). Yet we know little
about where and why HRDs who work in, alongside, or
independent of NGOs are most at risk of lethal violence
(Landman 2006).
In this study, we ask when human rights defenders
are at risk of being killed. Echoing research on jour-
nalist killings, we argue that a democratic context
makes it easier for HRDs to operate and incentivizes
them to continue activities and pursue information that
puts them at risk. De jure protections that defenders
have may not be enforced, or may not protect defenders
from bad actors engaging in politically motivated
murder. These factors should make HRDs more likely
to be killed by actors trying to avoid the spotlight and
exposure in democratic systems than in other types of
regimes. Autocratic regimes may provide fewer op-
portunities to freely advocate for human rights and to
pursue or disseminate information about human rights
violations by state or non-state actors, reducing the
chance of defender mortality. Using two new sets of
cross-national data on the number of killings of HRDs
between 1997 and 2011 and from 2014 to2020, we f‌ind
that these arguments are generally supported when
controlling for other factors that affect their murders.
Who or What are Human
Rights Defenders?
Human rights defenders are ordinary individuals who
make the extraordinary decision to openly and peace-
fully advocate for “the defense and promotion of the
human rights of others”(Wiseberg 1991, 527; see also:
Nah et al. 2013,403;UN 1998;OHCHR 2004). They
can act alone or in groups, in a professional capacity or
as private members of civil society—as a lawyer ad-
vocating for the human rights of a detainee, a student
organizing a hunger strike to call attention to abuses, or
a family holding a vigil for a loved one who has been
“disappeared.”Some HRDs are staff members of es-
tablished NGOs which directly or indirectly advocate
for rights. Many others are union organizers, lawye rs,
health care workers, and social movement participants
seeking a halt to abuses of civilians, environmental
justice advocates, local activists demanding human
rights for marginalized communities, writers, peace
builders, even groups of families of rights abuse victims
(Bennett et al. 2015;Landman 2006;Wiseberg 1991).
The UN General Assembly, the Off‌ice of the UN High
Commissioner for Human Rights, and numerous human
rights NGOs all categorize HRDs by what they do, not
by who they are (UN 1998;OHCHR 2004,6;IFDHRD
2011;Jilani 2011;Frontline Defenders 2023a). They
are recognized by Article 1 of the UN Declaration on
Human Rights Defenders as having “the right, indi-
vidually and in association with others, to promote and
to strive for the protection and realization of human
rights and fundamental freedoms at the national and
international levels.”(UN 1998,3).
Human rights defenders play a crucial role in the
attainment and maintenance of human rights within
countries. As the former Deputy Director of The In-
ternational Foundation for the Protection of Human
Rights Defenders (or Frontline Defenders) argues, “the
people who make the most signif‌icant contribution to
the better realization of human rights around the world
are people working at the local and national levels. ”
(Lawlor and Anderson 2014, 366). They are crucial to
protecting justice, rights, and the rule of law (Ramirez
2018,20),andare“often the only force standing be-
tween ordinary people and the unbridled power of the
state…[and] are vital to the development of democratic
processes and institutions, ending impunity, and the
promotion and protection of human rights”(IFPHRD
2011,9).
They also play a crucial role in the maintenance and
enforcement of human rights around the world. HRDs
are key local actors upon whom transnational advocacy
network campaigns and rights-based movements de-
pend (Keck and Sikkink 1998;Smidtetal.2021, 1286).
They can raise awareness of local issues, reframe is-
sues, reinforce or challenge rights-based norms, spot-
light abuses, identify perpetrators, and use their
platforms to broadcast this information to a wider au-
dience (Keck and Sikkink 1998;Murdie and Davis
2012). As the former Special Representative of the
UN Secretary-General on Human Rights Defenders has
argued, “exposing human rights violations and seeking
to redress them is largely dependent on the degree of
security enjoyed by human rights defenders”(Jilani
2001, 4). The consequence for not protecting HRDs
is often decreased human rights for all (Wiseberg 1991).
Yet the very things that make human rights defenders
important also put them at risk.
The Risk Environment
The risk environment within which HRDs operate is
fraught, and has become more dangerous over the last
402 Political Research Quarterly 77(1)

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