Should I Cast an Ill-Informed Ballot? Examining the Contours of the Normative Obligation to Vote

Date01 September 2019
DOI10.1177/1532673X18821359
Published date01 September 2019
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X18821359
American Politics Research
2019, Vol. 47(5) 1081 –1099
© The Author(s) 2019
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DOI: 10.1177/1532673X18821359
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Article
Should I Cast an
Ill-Informed Ballot?
Examining the Contours
of the Normative
Obligation to Vote
David Doherty1, Conor M. Dowling2,
Alan S. Gerber3, and Gregory A. Huber3
Abstract
Proparticipatory norms play a central role in driving turnout. However, a
broad norm that people are supposed to vote cannot explain why some
people fail to participate or why rates of participation vary sharply across
elections. We argue that the norm of voting extends beyond the mere act of
voting. We present empirical evidence supporting the position that the social
rewards for participating are conditional. The social rewards for casting an ill-
informed vote are far smaller than those associated with casting an informed
ballot. Moreover, some low-information voting strategies are viewed as less
desirable than simply abstaining. Our findings illustrate an important constraint
on the capacity of social norms to foster turnout. The effectiveness of efforts
to translate norms into higher rates of turnout may depend on ensuring that
voters are informed enough to cast a meaningful ballot.
Keywords
turnout, norms, informed voting, survey experiment
1Loyola University Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA
2The University of Mississippi, University, MS, USA
3Yale University, New Haven, CT, USA
Corresponding Author:
Conor M. Dowling, Department of Political Science, The University of Mississippi, 235
Deupree Hall, P.O. Box 1848, University, MS 38677-1848, USA.
Email: cdowling@olemiss.edu
821359APRXXX10.1177/1532673X18821359American Politics ResearchDoherty et al.
research-article2019
1082 American Politics Research 47(5)
Norms about voting, and the social consequences of failure to conform to
those expectations, are powerful explanations for voter participation (e.g.,
Blais, 2000; Dalton, 2008; DellaVigna, List, Malmendier, & Rao, 2017;
Gerber, Green, & Larimer, 2008; Riker & Ordeshook, 1968; Rolfe, 2012;
Sinclair, 2012). In the last two decades, academic researchers and campaign
professionals alike have refocused their attention on the combination of inter-
nalized expectations and social enforcement of those expectations as means
to increase and sustain participation. But if normative expectations about par-
ticipation are so powerful, why do so many eligible voters fail to turn out? We
propose and test the argument that voting norms are more complicated than
simply prescribing an expectation that one cast a ballot.
Democratic theory emphasizes the importance of an engaged citizenry.
Some theorists go further, positing that a—perhaps the—critical feature of
effective democratic governance is participation by an informed electorate
(e.g., Brennan, 2012). For example, “folk theories” of democracy posit
that voters should make choices that reflect their own policy preferences
(e.g., Achen & Bartels, 2016). In light of this perspective, one reason vot-
ing norms might not lead to universal turnout in spite of their apparent
power is that the simple act of voting is insufficient to fulfill one’s norma-
tive obligations. Those who are poorly informed about politics and, thus,
unable to connect their policy preferences to the choices they face on
Election Day, may not be rewarded for the mere act of casting a ballot.
Indeed, those who cast an ill-informed ballot may be viewed less favorably
than those who simply abstain.
This article presents evidence assessing the nature and structure of the
normative obligation to vote. We make two contributions to our understand-
ing of these norms. First, we demonstrate that the social returns to voting
depend substantially on how informed one is about politics. In three survey
experiments, we assess whether the social rewards that flow from voting
depend on whether the prospective voter is informed about the choices they
confront. We find clear evidence that they do. Casting an ill-informed ballot
can lead to greater social disapproval than not voting at all. We also examine
how these effects vary by the level of the election (i.e., national, state, local),
and compare them with common metrics of good citizen behavior.
Second, we assess what people think individuals should do when they are
ill-informed about a particular political choice. In other words, if an indi-
vidual is not informed about a choice they face when casting a ballot, what
do people think they should do? We find that some forms of low information
voting are viewed as unacceptably capricious and unrelated to a candidate’s
likely approach to governing (e.g., voting based on name recognition or bal-
lot order) and that it may be more normatively rewarding for individuals to

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