Short‐term fix or remedy for market failure? Immigration policy as a distinct source of skills
Published date | 01 January 2024 |
Author | Chris F. Wright,Colm McLaughlin |
Date | 01 January 2024 |
DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/irj.12412 |
DOI: 10.1111/irj.12412
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Short‐term fix or remedy for market failure?
Immigration policy as a distinct source of skills
Chris F. Wright Associate Professor
1
|
Colm McLaughlin Professor
2
1
Discipline of Work and Organisational
Studies, University of Sydney Business
School, University of Sydney, Sydney,
Australia
2
UCD College of Business, University
College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland
Correspondence
Chris F. Wright, Associate Professor,
Discipline of Work and Organisational
Studies, University of Sydney Business
Business School, University of Sydney,
Sydney, Australia.
Email: chris.f.wright@sydney.edu.au
Funding information
Australian Research Council,
Grant/Award Number: DE170101060
Abstract
This article analyses the role of immigration policy as a
distinct source of skills supply in liberal market
economies. It draws upon interviews with representa-
tives of employer associations and trade unions in the
Australian construction and hospitality industries to
identify how labour market actors make sense of the
function of immigration policy. Rather than ‘comple-
menting’or ‘undermining’training and other domestic
labour market institutions, as is often assumed,
immigration policy can serve to remedy the systemic
failures of these institutions to supply skills in the short
term. However, overreliance on immigration can
disincentivise reform of the labour market institutions
necessary to generate adequate skills supply in the long
term. The findings suggest the need to reconceptualise
the function of immigration policy in terms of its
distinct rather than equivalent functions to labour
market institutions.
1|INTRODUCTION
The closure of international borders during the COVID‐19 crisis prompted public debates about
the reliability of immigration policy for addressing skills and workforce needs. Such issues have
been especially pronounced in the United Kingdom by the reduced availability of labour from
Ind. Relat. 2024;55:3–19. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/irj
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3
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution‐NonCommercial‐NoDerivs License, which permits
use and distribution in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, the use is non‐commercial and no modifications or
adaptations are made.
© 2023 The Authors. Industrial Relations Journal published by Brian Towers (BRITOW) and John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
the European Union in the wake of Brexit, which has led to questions about the efficacy of
training and other labour market institutions tasked with supplying skills (Alberti &
Cutter, 2022). There have been similar debates in many other countries.
While these public debates about the relationship between immigration policy and the
institutions that address labour market needs have intensified in recent years, these have been
longstanding. For example, when Boris Johnson was UK prime minister, he pledged not to
return to ‘the same old broken model with low wages, low growth, low skills, and low
productivity—all of it enabled and assisted by uncontrolled immigration’(Johnson, 2021).
From this perspective, immigration policy is said to undermine other labour market
institutions. An alternative perspective is provided in a claim from another former UK prime
minister, Gordon Brown, who once said that ‘expanding the skills we need requires not only
new investment in training but a modern approach to the economic and social benefits of legal
immigration’(HM Treasury, 2003). Similarly, former Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison
argued that ‘skilled workers on sponsored [immigration] programmes are not a substitute for
Australian jobs but they are an integral part of the economic machinery that creates Australian
jobs’(Morrison, 2014). These last two quotes reflect a view that immigration policies
complement labour market institutions, rather than undermine them.
The characterisation of immigration policy as either complementing or undermining labour
market institutions reflects a widespread assumption that immigration policy and training
policy are ‘functional equivalents’, that is, that they both generate skills that can be used
interchangeably by employers (Afonso & Devitt, 2016; Toner & Woolley, 2008). For instance,
Toner and Woolley (2008, p. 48) claim that training and immigration policies are the ‘only two
ways for a nation to secure an adequate supply of skilled workers’. This overlooks other policy
areas that contribute to the supply of skills and workforce generation. For example, social
policy can bring people who are not participating in the labour market into the workforce.
Industrial relations policy can be used to improve wages and job quality and thereby stimulate
labour supply or can create regulatory floors as ‘shock effects’to compel or encourage
employers to invest in training and productivity (Grimshaw & Carroll, 2006;
McLaughlin, 2009).
This article seeks to scrutinise this characterisation of immigration policy as either
complementing or undermining labour market institutions by addressing the following
research question: How do employment relations actors make sense of the roles of immigration,
training and labour market institutions in supplying skills? It addresses this question through
case‐study research of Australian hospitality and construction, two industries that have
traditionally relied upon vocational training to address their skill needs but have increasingly
utilised immigration policies for this purpose.
Although immigration policy is critically important for supplying labour and skills to
organisations, industries and nations, this is not widely acknowledged within academic
research on skills, education and training (Arnholtz & Wright, 2023). Indeed, scholarship on
skills is largely devoid of any mention of immigration policy and its contribution to skills
production. Afonso and Devitt (2016) characterise this area of scholarship as being defined by
‘methodological nationalism’in its focus on domestic sources of skill formation, such as
education and training systems, while generally failing to recognise the role that immigration
policies can play. As Busemeyer and Trampusch claim (2019, p. 144), ‘any political economic
account of skills and training has to consider potential relationships between labour migration
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WRIGHT and MCLAUGHLIN
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