Shared Identities: Intersectionality, Linked Fate, and Perceptions of Political Candidates

• Author: Sarah Allen Gershon,Celeste Montoya,Nadia E. Brown,Christina Bejarano
• DOI: 10.1177/1065912920951640
• Published date: 01 December 2021
• Date: 01 December 2021

2021, Vol. 74(4) 970 –985

https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912920951640

Political Research Quarterly

© 2020 University of Utah

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DOI: 10.1177/1065912920951640

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The past several election cycles have seen an increasingly

diverse field of candidates, particularly in regard to the

Democratic Party. The increase in men and women of

color running for even the highest levels of office has

come with some notable victories as well as significant

losses, making it all the more pertinent to understand atti-

tudes toward and the impact of such candidates. How

does having a candidate with a shared identity shape per-

ceptions of representation for traditionally underrepre-

sented groups? Which identities matter and how?

Scholars of race and gender have long acknowledged

the importance that descriptive representation plays for

marginalized groups, if not substantively (impacting poli-

cies and procedures), then symbolically (impacting polit-

ical attitudes and behavior) (Canon 1999; Casellas and

Wallace 2014; Lublin 1997; Wallace 2014a, 2014b;

Whitby 1997b). The mechanisms connecting particular

identities with distinct patterns of political behavior,

however, are complicated and multifaceted. Sharing a

marginalized identity such as race or gender does not

automatically translate into the belief that someone who

looks like you will be able to represent you. Furthermore,

individuals may hold membership to more than one

group, but not all groups will inspire the same meaning,

and that meaning may vary over time (García Bedolla

2007). Binary and static understandings of identity can

overlook relevant power dynamics in a manner that

obscures those with nonnormative positions at the inter-

section of multiple marginalities (Cohen 1997). Our use

of intersectional minority linked fate seeks to complicate

how and when gender influences Black and Latina/o per-

ception of representation.

In this article, we explore the role that gender and race

play in perceptions of representation of generic congres-

sional candidates among and between African Americans

and Latinas/os. Here we build on our previous work

exploring the possibility and dynamics of an intersec-

tional minority linked fate (Gershon et al. 2019). Linked

fate, the belief that what happens in the group will impact

the individual, was an important development in under-

standings of the racial consciousness and political behav-

ior of African Americans (Dawson 1994; Tate 1994). We

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PRQXXX10.1177/1065912920951640Political Research QuarterlyBejarano et al.

research-article2020

1Texas Woman’s University, Denton, USA

2Purdue University, West Lafayette, IN, USA

3Georgia State University, Atlanta, USA

4University of Colorado Boulder, USA

Corresponding Author:

Sarah Allen Gershon, Department of Political Science, Georgia State

University, 38 Peachtree Center Ave. Suite 1047, Atlanta, GA 30303-

2514, USA.

Email: sgershon@gsu.edu

Shared Identities: Intersectionality,

Linked Fate, and Perceptions of

Political Candidates

Christina Bejarano1, Nadia E. Brown2,

Sarah Allen Gershon3, and Celeste Montoya4

Abstract

Scholars of gender and race have long acknowledged the importance that descriptive representation plays for

marginalized groups, if not substantively than symbolically. Yet, as candidate pools diversify to better reflect the

population, it becomes less clear which among intersecting and overlapping identities will matter and how. Employing

data from the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey, we explore the association between minority

voters’ sense of linked fate and their beliefs about candidates who share (or do not share) their gender and racial

identities. Using this timely and unique data, collected immediately after the 2016 election when race and gender were

of particular salience, we examine whether shared racial and gender identity is associated with Black and Latina/o

voters’ beliefs about how well different candidates will represent their interests. We conclude by discussing the

implications of our research for the changing face of American political candidates and voters.

Keywords

linked fate, race, gender, ethnicity, political attitudes, descriptive representation

Article

Bejarano et al. 971

2 Political Research Quarterly 00(0)

bridge together two strands of important but underex-

plored areas of inquiry within that literature. First is the

race-gendered analysis of linked fate and political behav-

ior (e.g., Cohen 1999; Gay, Hochschild, and White 2016;

Gay and Tate 1998; Simien 2005). Here scholars have

cautioned against overemphasizing intragroup common-

ality and have documented the gendered differences in

ethnoracial linked fate. Second is the research exploring

the possibility of developing a sense of linked fate that

works across ethnoracial minority groups, a minority

linked fate (Gershon et al. 2019; Jones 2019). While stud-

ies on Black-Latina/o relations have found mixed results,

more positive evaluations have been found across groups

when there are perceptions of shared experiences with

inequality (e.g., Fraga et al. 2010; Jones-Correa 2011;

Sanchez and Masuoka 2010).

Combining and building off of these two approaches,

we propose an intersectional analysis of minority linked

fate to examine possible race, gendered, or race-gendered

differences in perceptions of representation. Given the

high salience of both gender and race, the 2016 election

provides an ideal opportunity for observing possible inter-

sections regarding linked fate and perceptions of represen-

tation by different candidates. Relying on an innovative

survey of Black and Latina/o Americans immediately fol-

lowing the 2016 election (Barreto et al. 2018), we find that

minority linked fate positively impacts perceptions of rep-

resentation; however, it functions with distinct raced, gen-

dered, and race-gendered nuances that demonstrate the

importance of intersectional considerations.

Intersectional Minority Linked Fate

and Perceptions of Representation

Scholars have long explored the role that identity might

play in candidate evaluation, with early findings support-

ing the view that voters tend to favor candidates who look

like them, particularly in low information settings when

the public might use it as an information shortcut or cue

about policy stances (McDermott 1998; Popkin 1991;

Tate 2001). Indeed, recent work by English, Pearson, and

Strolovitch (2019) finds that both ethnoracial minorities

and whites prefer their Members of Congress to share

their racial identity. This finding has been particularly

strong in the study of ethnoracial identities. Scholars have

consistently shown that Black and Latina/o voters will

support co-ethnic candidates when they have the opportu-

nity, unless they have a serious reason to do otherwise

(Barreto 2010; Bejarano 2013; Hero 1992; Philpot and

Walton 2007). Ideology and viability matter, but ethnic

cues are strong in part because co-ethnics have been

found to reliably provide greater substantive representa-

tion to members of the group (Canon 1999; Casellas

2010; Grose 2011; Lublin 1997; Tate 2003; Wallace

2014a; Whitby 1997). Furthermore, the “minority

empowerment” theory of politics holds that descriptive

representation signals more open political opportunities

and inclusion for groups, something that is then translated

into democratic engagement and participation (Bobo and

Gilliam 1990).

Sharing an identity, however, does not automatically

translate into the belief that someone who looks like you

will be able to represent you. To this end, group identifi-

cation and group consciousness are key. Group identifi-

cation is defined as a psychological attachment to that

group that is based on the perception of shared feelings,

beliefs, ideas, and interests with other members of the

group (Gurin, Miller, and Gurin 1980; Miller et al. 1981).

Group identification develops through self-identification

(how one defines oneself) and ascription (how one is

seen by others), with the later sometimes shaping the for-

mer. In the American context, courts (Davis 1991), state

laws (McClain et al. 2009), and the census (Nobles 2000)

have worked in concert to assign group membership.

Furthermore, group identification is policed, both through

reification and codification through societal and legal

measures, which detail membership criteria (Masuoka

2017; Masuoka and Junn 2013). Group consciousness

goes a step further, referring to the set of political beliefs

and action orientations arising out of this awareness of

similarity (Gurin, Miller, and Gurin 1980).

Linked Fate

A key finding in the study of racial group consciousness

is the pivotal role played by linked fate (Dawson 1994;

Tate 1994). The belief that what happens to the group will

impact the individual is considered to be a primary moti-

vator for ethnoracial minorities to vote along racial lines

and support co-ethnic candidates (Barreto 2010; Casellas

and Wallace 2014; McConnaughy et al. 2010; Schildkraut

2017; Wallace 2014b). Without that sense of collective

identity and common futurity, ethnic cues have little

meaning.

The concept of linked fate emerged from studies of

African Americans, arguing that the shared historical

experiences with slavery and marginalization in the

United States have created a persistent sense of collec-

tive identity and common struggle strong enough to

shape political behavior and to remain influential even

with growing socioeconomic diversity within that com-

munity (Dawson 1994; Tate 1994). In subsequent years,

scholars have studied the applicability of the concept to

other groups and identities with mixed results. Although

all ethnoracial identities are multidimensional, ethnora-

cial consciousness does not work the same across all

nonwhite populations in the United States (McClain

et al. 2009). Studies of other ethnoracial groups have