Shades of Grey: How do Informal Firms Navigate Between Macro and Meso Institutional Environments?

AuthorGarry D. Bruton,Susanna Khavul,Julio O. De Castro
Date01 March 2014
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1002/sej.1172
Published date01 March 2014
SHADES OF GREY: HOW DO INFORMAL FIRMS
NAVIGATE BETWEEN MACRO AND MESO
INSTITUTIONAL ENVIRONMENTS?
JULIO O. DE CASTRO1*, SUSANNA KHAVUL2, and GARRY D. BRUTON3
1IE Business School, Madrid, Spain
2Department of Management, College of Business, University of Texas at
Arlington, Arlington, Texas, U.S.A.
3Neeley School of Business, TexasChristian University, Fort Worth, Texas, U.S.A.
Our qualitative research shows that when making decisions about informality,entrepreneurs in
emerging economies purposefully navigate between the enabling and constraining rules of the
macro institutional environment and the norms of the meso institutional environment.We show
that: (1) informality is a multidimensional continuum along which path to formalization
unfolds; (2) as entrepreneurs grow more successful they become simultaneously more attuned
to the countervailing constraints of both the macro and meso institutional environments; and
(3) informal firms and formal firms weave together an exchange system that legitimizes the
persistence of informality. In the context of informality, meso institutions serve as the connec-
tive tissue which cross-link levels of the environment and shape the context in which entrepre-
neurs make decisions. Copyright © 2014 Strategic Management Society.
INTRODUCTION
Firms that fail to legally register and pay taxes rep-
resent one common form of firm activity that falls
within the boundaries of the informal economy. Such
firms make up the informal economy and represent
40 to 60 percent of the GDP in emerging economies
(Schneider, 2005; Portes and Schauffler, 1993; de
Soto, 1989). A prominent view of informality sug-
gests that firms start and remain informal because
the economic costs, in both money and time, to for-
mally register with the government are too high (de
Soto, 2000; Webb et al., 2013). By implication, if
governments lower costs or reduce the time and
complexity required to complete registration, then
entrepreneurs would react by converting their infor-
mal ventures into formal ones (de Soto, 2000). Pro-
ponents of this ground their argument in the nexus of
behavioral responses of individuals to changes in
macro institutional regimes. An alternativeargument
suggests that by staying informal, entrepreneurs are
making rational decisions based on cost-benefit
analysis (de Mel, McKenzie, and Woodruff, 2013;
Perry et al., 2007). That is, the cost of being formal
is too high relative to the benefit. Whether initial
registration costs or ongoing costs impede formal-
ization remains a hotly contested academic question
that also confounds policy makers as they design
interventions to stem the tide of informality.
In this article, we argue that informality is a
nuanced phenomenon best examined at the intersec-
tion of institutional environments that entrepreneurs
face. Using qualitative field data, we show that in
making decisions about informality, entrepreneurs in
emerging economies purposefully navigate between
the enabling and constraining powers of the macro
and meso institutional environments they face. At
their core, institutions consist of rules and norms,
both formal and informal, which structure social
Keywords: informality; entrepreneurship; emerging market;
institutional environments
*Correspondence to: Julio O. De Castro, IE Business School,
Maria de Molina 6, E, 28006 Madrid, Spain. E-mail:
Julio.castro@ie.edu
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Strategic Entrepreneurship Journal
Strat. Entrepreneurship J., 8: 75–94 (2014)
Published online in Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com). DOI: 10.1002/sej.1172
Copyright © 2014 Strategic Management Society
interaction by constraining and enabling actors’
behaviors (Helmke and Levitsky, 2004). Institutions
exist at the macro, meso, and micro levels that, in
the context of our work, broadly correspond to the
national (federal or common union), local (including
communities of practice), and individual levels,
respectively. Prior research has focused on the top-
down effects of macro regulatory environment on
informality. We believe it is time to drill deeper
(Bruton, Ireland, and Ketchen, 2012) and unpack
how informal entrepreneurs navigate among levels
of institutional environments. To motivate our
research we ask three questions:
Research Question 1: How do the macro and
meso institutional environments affect entrepre-
neurs’ decisions to formalize their businesses?
Research Question 2: As their firms become more
successful, how do the countervailing demands of
the macro and meso institutional environments
influence the informal entrepreneurs’ cost-benefit
considerations related to formalizing?
Research Question 3: How does the interaction
between informal firms and formal organiza-
tions affect the cost-benefit decisions that
informal entrepreneurs make with respect to
formalization?
We examine these research questions in the
Dominican Republic, where informality is central to
the local economy (42% of GDP, Vuletin, 2008) and
a key source of economic growth. Despite its sig-
nificant role in countries such as the Dominican
Republic, informality remains understudied, espe-
cially from an entrepreneurship perspective (Bruton,
Khavul, and Chavez, 2011; Khavul, 2010; Bruton,
Ahlstrom, and Obloj, 2008; de Soto, 1989).
Our study makes several contributions to the lit-
erature. First, we show that entrepreneurs see
formalization of their firms in terms of multiple stra-
tegic choices that unfold over time and are not
simply excluded from formalization by the cost or
complexity of registration. We suggest that the
binary classification of formal versus informal firms,
into which the management literature has tended to
pigeonhole this decision, needs to evolve into a mul-
tidimensional continuum that is responsive to insti-
tutional differences and cross-country variation.
Second, we demonstrate that when successful entre-
preneurs face the challenges of institutional plural-
ism, they become simultaneously more attuned to
the countervailing constraints of both the macro and
meso institutional environments. Finally, we show
that informal and formal firms weave together an
exchange system that legitimizes the persistence of
informality.
Informal firms and institutional environments
Informal firms
Informal firms are organizations that conduct market-
based activities with legal goods produced and dis-
tributed without regard for taxation or regulation
(Portes and Castells, 1989; de Soto, 1989; Portes and
Haller, 2005; Schneider, 2005; Webb et al., 2009).
The distinction between legal and illegal activity is
important because many informal businesses supply
illegal goods (i.e., pirated media and software) and do
not register with their governments. By contrast, our
research focuses on the vast majority of unregistered
businesses that provide legal goods and services (de
Soto, 1989), and we leave aside questions of illegal
goods that notionally fall within the boundaries of the
informal economy. Albeit at different rates, informal
firms are prevalent in both mature and emerging
economies. As a defining characteristic of entrepre-
neurial life in emerging economies (Khavul, Bruton,
and Wood, 2009; Khavul, 2010; Kodithuwakku and
Rosa, 2002), the effect of informality on firm produc-
tivity and growth is much debated (LaPorta and
Shleifer, 2008). Scholars have long accepted that
institutional context influences entrepreneurial activ-
ity (Estrin, Korosteleva, and Mickiewicz, 2013), so
the face of entrepreneurship differs between emerg-
ing and mature economies (Peng, 2000; Bruton et al.,
2008). Similarly, the causes and consequences of
informality in emerging and mature economies likely
differ. Indeed, research that distinguishes the con-
tours of informality in emerging and mature econo-
mies is gaining momentum (Estrin and Mickiewicz,
2012). The spotlight on the role of institutions in firm
entry and growth is particularly intense (Estrin et al.,
2013).
Institutions
Institutions and their governance play an important
role in the rise and fall of nations (Acemoglu and
Robinson, 2012), the evolution of organizational
forms (Khavul, Chavez, and Bruton, 2013), and poli-
cies to promote economic inclusion (Banerjee and
76 J. O. De Castro, S. Khavul, and G. D. Bruton
Copyright © 2014 Strategic Management Society Strat. Entrepreneurship J.,8: 75–94 (2014)
DOI: 10.1002/sej

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