Sex Difference in Homicide: Comparing Male and Female Violent Crimes in Korea

• Author: Donna Youngs,Jonghan Sea,Sophia Tkazky
• Date: 01 August 2018
• DOI: 10.1177/0306624X17740555
• Published date: 01 August 2018
• Subject Matter: Articles

https://doi.org/10.1177/0306624X17740555

International Journal of

Offender Therapy and

Comparative Criminology

2018, Vol. 62(11) 3408 –3435

© The Author(s) 2017

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DOI: 10.1177/0306624X17740555

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Article

Sex Difference in Homicide:

Comparing Male and Female

Violent Crimes in Korea

Jonghan Sea1, Donna Youngs2, and Sophia Tkazky2

Abstract

The comparison of the South Korean male and female homicide offenders’

characteristics and crime scene behaviours is presented in this study. A total of 537

cases of homicide offenders prosecuted in Korea between 2006 and 2010 were

analyzed in terms of offenders’ characteristics, victim–offender interaction, places

of crime, and crime scene actions. Significant differences between male and female

offenders were revealed in prior criminal history, offenders’ personal characteristics,

choice of victim, crime scene behaviours during and after the homicide, and choice

of weapon. The parallel with the gender differences in homicides found in Western

countries is discussed as well as the possible explanations for the gender-related

characteristics found in this study.

Keywords

homicide, gender difference, demographic variables, crime scene actions, cultural

difference

Introduction

Years of research on offenders’ behaviour and reasoning in homicide have consistently

shown dissimilarities between the homicide patterns of men and women. Significant

differences were found in offense location (e.g., studies on U.S. samples: Barnard,

Vera, Vera, & Newman, 1982; Goetting, 1987), and offender–victim relationship (e.g.,

study on Australian sample: Bacon & Lansdowne, 1982; U.S. sample:

1Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada

2University of Huddersfield, Huddersfield, UK

Corresponding Author:

Jonghan Sea, Department of Psychology, Simon Fraser University, 8888 University Drive, Burnaby, British

Columbia, Canada V5A 1S6.

Email: jsea@sfu.ca

740555IJOXXX10.1177/0306624X17740555International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative CriminologySea et al.

research-article2017

Sea et al. 3409

Hoffman-Bustamante, 1973; Hungarian sample: Rasko, 1976). Also some differences

were found in situational dynamics surrounding the offense (e.g., U.S. sample: Mills,

1985; German sample: Masle, Goreta, & Juki, 2000; Stark, 2007), and style or method

of inflicting injury (e.g., Canadian samples: Chan, Frei, & Myers, 2013; Chan, Heide,

& Beauregard, 2010). As shown by Bureau of Justice Statistics (2016) and the Federal

Bureau of Investigation (2013), most street homicides are typically committed by

male offenders. This finding accords with the results of other studies: Homicides com-

mitted by men typically happen in public places (e.g., bars, cafes), while homicides

committed by women usually occur at home (Korean samples: Go, 2010, 2011; Go &

Lee, 2011; U.S. sample: Chan & Frei, 2013).

Most of the studies on comparison between action patterns of male and female

murderers are dedicated strictly to the intimate partner homicide (Hoffman-Bustamante,

1973; Mills, 1985; Rasko, 1976; studies on Australian samples: Bacon & Lansdowne,

1982; Polk, 1994; Wallace, 1986; studies on samples from different countries: Daly &

Wilson, 1988; Canadian sample: Johnson & Hotton, 2003; samples from various

countries: Stark, 2007). These homicides are frequently an escalation of prolonged

intimate partner physical violence (Swart et al., 2002), from which women suffer more

frequently than men (Krahe et al., 2005). These findings explain the gender differ-

ences in choice of victim and homicide style. In homicides committed by either male

or female offender, the victim most frequently will be intimate partner (Archer, 2000;

Bookwala, Frieze, Smith, & Ryan, 1992; Dutton, Nicholls, & Spidel, 2005; Hakkanen-

Nyholm et al., 2009; Makepeace, 1986; Silverman & Kennedy, 1987). At the same

time, men killed their partners/spouses more frequently than women did (46% vs.

9%), and typically in the midst of domestic dispute (study on U.S. sample: Cooper &

Smith, 2011; studies on Canadian sample: Silverman & Kennedy, 1987, 1988). Women

typically killed their partners or ex-partners in response to long previous abuse (stud-

ies on U.S. samples: Chan et al., 2013; Chan et al., 2010; Ward, Jackson, & Ward,

1969; Wimberly, 2007; Wolfgang, 1958) or in the result of a violent conflict (Chimbos,

1978; Daniel & Harris, 1982; Garcia-Moreno & Stöckl, 2009; McQuigg, 2011; Silver

& Kates, 1979; Totman, 1978). Men were more likely to throw something at their

victim, slap, kick, bite, punch, or hit with an object (Chan et al., 2013). Also, the find-

ings were partially confirmed by results of the study on frequencies of violence and

reported injuries (Whitaker, Haileyesus, Swahn, & Saltzman, 2007).

At the same time, the studies highlighted a tendency for female homicide to occur

when the male is incapacitated (i.e., poisoned, asleep or drunk, and taking rest) (U.S.

trends: Chan et al., 2013; Chan et al., 2010; Ward et al., 1969; Wimberly, 2007;

Wolfgang, 1958). Overall, although intimate partner homicides committed by either

men or women are the result of domestic violence, the positions of male and female

perpetrators are absolutely different. While “male homicide” is the crime of rage and

power, and the offender is the aggressor, it is absolutely not so in “female homicides.”

They are committed out of despair and as a last resort of self-defense—victims of

intimate partner violence have no other choice but to kill the abuser.

It is worth remarking that even after many years of feminism, the tendencies in

homicide style show the dependent position of women. Either they kill their abuser,