Sanitizing a crisis: The three dimensions of an enhanced regime of accumulation

Published date01 July 2023
AuthorIgnasi Bernat Molina,Sergi Cutillas Márquez
Date01 July 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/lapo.12224
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Sanitizing a crisis: The three dimensions of an
enhanced regime of accumulation
Ignasi Bernat Molina
1
| Sergi Cutillas M
arquez
2
1
Facultat dEconomia i Empresa,
Departament de Sociologia, Universitat de
Barcelona, Barcelona, Spain
2
Facultat dEconomia i Empresa,
Departament dHistòria Econòmica,
Institucions, Política i Economia Mundial,
Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona, Spain
Correspondence
Ignasi Bernat Molina, Facultat dEconomia
i Empresa, Departament de Sociologia,
Universitat de Barcelona, Avinguda Diagonal
696 4ªplantaDespatx 481 08034
Barcelona, Spain.
Email: ignasi.bernat@ub.edu
Abstract
In many western countries the Covid crisis has evolved
from a public health crisis toward an economic crisis.
Spain was no exception. Crises are always key
moments in the reconfiguration of the role of the
state, as this takes on new domains and functions.
Conceiving states role as a triad helps us understand-
ing its functioning. From the initial stage, state work
has been intense in order to mitigate its effects. But
the Spanish particularity is the specific articulation of
state apparatuses. As in previous crises, Spain has
deployed a significant activity to police the public order.
The policing of public spaces was tailored to ensure the
economic apparatuses remain unchallenged. A new
mode of regulation has been established to allow an
enhanced regime of capital accumulation through differ-
ent financial instruments. Despite the frequent neglect
of ideological state apparatuses, this paper exposes how
relevant they are in moments of impasse to produce a
new moral economy reassuring the hegemonic project of
the elites.
1|INTRODUCTION
Deep crises as the Covid-19 pandemic lead to periods of impasse and change. In times when
terror hits and normality is suspended all what is assumed obvious and logic can be challenged
and even long established constitutional orders can be turned upside down. Crises are at the
same time opportunities and threats to the existing accumulation regimes and their power struc-
tures. For this reason, the ruling class in control of the state, manages and polices crises trying
to reset the established order in its own favor.
DOI: 10.1111/lapo.12224
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs License, which permits
use and distribution in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, the use is non-commercial and no modifications or
adaptations are made.
©2023 The Authors. Law & Policy published by University of Denver and Wiley Periodicals LLC.
414 Law & Policy. 2023;45:414429.
wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/lapo
Indeed, crises can be used to reset the engines of accumulation, as they allow for the
reconfiguration of the state, since it in these moments that it can acquire new domains and
functions (OConnor, 1984). In addition, crises are also periods of capital restructuring and con-
centration, technological transformation and working class recompositing (Brancaccio
et al., 2018). It is in these moments that one can glimpse through the paraphernalia and see the
nature of the system, as some of its elementary functions become prominent. In the case of
Spain, the early stages of the pandemic brought these most essential functions of the state to the
surface.
In fact, in March 2020, the situation rapidly turned from a public health crisis into a possi-
ble global-scale economic and societal collapse. From this moment on, for most states of the
center of the world system, striking a balance between despotic policies, and preventing the col-
lapse of their regimes of accumulation, would become their main priority and also a challenge,
and even more so, since policies to address the crisis in the short-term should ideally prepare the
ground for a longer-term period of capital accumulation. Indeed, the enhancement of a regime
of accumulation requires a great deal of state intervention, which in this case included different
types of policies at local, regional, state, and transnational level.
This paper will analyze the different types of interventions by the Spanish national state in
the early stages of what has been called the Great Lockdown. These interventions were aimed
at, first, strongly coerce the population into obeying medical authorities and national state
authorities more generally; and second, securing economic flows to avoid widespread economic
collapse.
The paper will be divided in three sections. First, we will analyze the despotic securement
of the social order by the Spanish national state. The authoritarian response consisting of
shutdowns of the economy and society were generalized across the world. However, Spain has
been among the most repressive national states with its portrayal of the crisis as a security crisis
or even a war, relying heavily on its military and police during the period. This is not new, since
as the Spanish state has often in the past deployed exaggerate and even despotic uses of violence
to reassure public trust in the ordinary functioning of the state (Bernat & Whyte, 2021).
The explicit authoritarianism exerted is directly related to the weak ideological hegemony of
its core institutions, at least in many of the regions of the state, which runs in parallel to and
interacts with the general weaknesses in accumulation.
Second, and less visible, but even more important, is related to the necessity to keep
the economy alive. This involved massive state intervention at all levels including wide range of
legislation and policies aimed at maintaining economic flows (credit guarantees to firms, debt
moratoriums, subsides to the self-employed, and temporary furloughs schemes for workers) and
discerning the economic sectors that were allowed to operate during the lockdowns.
Third and final, we analyze the ideological apparatus of the state. This dimension is
neglected from most of the accounts of state capacities. This paper will illuminate how ideologi-
cal apparatuses crucially provide moral guidance at moments of impasse to comfort the popul a-
tion by means of different interventions ranging from the press conference and its tailored
scenes with the police, military, and bio-medical personnel, a new rhetoric employed around the
economic plans supported by the Next Generation European funds and rescue packages, with a
renewed focus upon the nation as a community to be protected because it guarantees our conti-
nuity. During this period, the legitimating apparatus of the state has combined fearmongering
and coercion with the peddling of hope in the nation, in this case, the imaginary community
that was united against a common enemy, the virus. This imagery has often been attached to
references to the place of Spain into the international community, especially as a member of the
EU. This transnationalist pro-European rhetoric was often linked to the economic interventions
of the EU, like the bond purchase and loan programmes of ECB, and later on, the NGEU
joint-fiscal programme. This transnationalist narrative emphasized the safety provided by the
international community in moments of crisis, allowing for global coordinated responses and
BERNAT MOLINA and CUTILLAS M
´
ARQUEZ 415

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