Risk, trust, and altruism in genetic data sharing

Published date01 December 2023
AuthorZeeshan Samad,Myrna Wooders,Bradley Malin,Yevgeniy Vorobeychik
Date01 December 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/jpet.12678
Received: 22 August 2023
|
Accepted: 6 November 2023
DOI: 10.1111/jpet.12678
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Risk, trust, and altruism in genetic data
sharing
Zeeshan Samad
1
|Myrna Wooders
2
|Bradley Malin
3
|
Yevgeniy Vorobeychik
4
1
Department of Economics and Finance,
Utah State University, Logan, Utah, USA
2
Department of Economics, Vanderbilt
University, Nashville, Tennessee, USA
3
Department of Biomedical Informatics,
Vanderbilt University Medical Center,
Nashville, Tennessee, USA
4
Department of Computer Science and
Engineering, Washington University in
St Louis, St Louis, Missouri, USA
Correspondence
Zeeshan Samad, Department of
Economics and Finance, Utah State
University, Logan, UT, USA.
Email: zeeshan.samad@usu.edu
Funding information
National Institutes of Health
Abstract
How does concern about genetic data privacy compare
with other concerns? We conduct behavioral experi-
ments to compare risk attitudes towards sharing
genetic data with a healthcare provider with risk
attitudes towards sharing financial data with a money
manager. Both scenarios involve identical decisions
and monetary stakes, permitting us to focus on how the
framing of data sharing influences attitudes. To delve
deeper into individual motivations to share data, we
provide treatments that study how data sharers'
altruism and trust affect their decisions. Our findings
(with 162 subjects) indicate that individuals are more
willing to risk a loss to privacy of genetic data (for an
anticipated return framed as health benefits) than they
are to risk loss of financial data (for an anticipated
return in financial benefits). We also find that 50%60%
of data recipients choose to protect another person's
data, with no significant differences between frames.
KEYWORDS
data privacy, experiment, genetics
1|INTRODUCTION
Cheap DNA sequencing has enabled broad collection, processing, and sharing of genetic
information (Van Dijk et al., 2018). This information is disclosed by patients to physicians, by
research participants to scientists, and by general consumers to directtogenetic testing
companies (e.g., 23andme.com and ancestry.com) for various purposes. Genetic information
J Public Econ Theory. 2023;25:12511269. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/jpet © 2023 Wiley Periodicals LLC.
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sharing provides an individual with the opportunity to improve health and contribute to
societal endeavors. At the same time, while some people share genetic information openly (e.g.,
posting to websites, such as OpenSNP or GEDMatch), many others consider such information
to be highly personal and potentially sensitive (Greshake et al., 2014; Greytak et al., 2018;
Haeusermann et al., 2017). As a result, many people prefer that their information be managed
and used in a manner that preserves their expectation of privacy (Erlich & Narayanan, 2014).
However, sharing data with another party is not without risks. For instance, a data recipient
may fail to protect a data sharer's privacy through weak anonymization practices or misuse the
data due to lack of access control and institutional oversight.
Most investigations that examine the extent to which people are concerned about privacy
and security of their genetic data elicit people's privacy concerns through surveys (Botkin
et al., 2012; Clayton et al., 2018; Condit et al., 2016; Duquette et al., 2012; Edwards et al., 2012;
Kaufman et al., 2009; Lemke et al., 2010; Rauscher et al., 2015; Sanderson et al., 2017). Given
that survey instruments sometimes fall prey to the privacy paradox, whereby reported attitudes
about privacy end up being inconsistent with measures people actually take to protect their
data (Norberg et al., 2007), one would be justified to question the internal validity of the studies
mentioned above.
A natural way to circumvent the privacy paradox is to elicit people's privacy concerns
through an incentivecompatible method rather than unincentivized survey responses. To this
end, we adopt an economic perspective, wherein data sharing is modeled as a risky decision
that depends on an individual's beliefs about the potential risks and benefits associated with
data sharing. In this representation, sharing genetic data may result in a longterm benefit, for
example, treatment for an undiagnosed condition (Bastarache et al., 2018), but may expose an
individual to privacy risks.
In this work, we investigate, by conducting laboratory experiments, the extent to which
subjects value the privacy of their genetic data relative to the privacy of their financial data. To
capture their willingness to share data, we ask them to make an incentivized risky decision. To
capture the extent to which decisions about sharing genetic data differ from decisions about
sharing financial data, we frame the risky decision in two different ways. In one frame, which
we call the genetic frame, a patient can undergo a genetic test, and thereby share genetic data
with a physician. In a second frame, which we call the investment frame, an investor can invest
in a risky asset, thereby sharing financial data with a money manager. Crucially, actual
monetary gain and loss potentials are identical in both frames. This approach is most closely
related to the experiment developed by Binder and Nuscheler (2017), who implement vaccine,
surgery, and neutral frames to assess subjects' willingness to take a risk.
In each frame, subjects, acting as patients or investors, are provided with a fixed amount of
money as an endowment. Each subject makes a decision on whether to share data, that is,
whether or not to undergo a genetic test (in the genetic frame) or whether or not to make an
investment (in the investment frame). If a subject does not share data, she keeps her
endowment as her final payout. If she does share data, she faces two uncertain possibilities, one
positive and the other negative. The positive outcome is a large reward with a small probability,
meant to represent medical treatment in the genetic frame or financial gain in the investment
frame. The negative outcome is that the subject loses her endowment with a larger probability,
representing the risk associated with a potential privacy compromise.
The design of the aforementioned experimental setting, henceforth referred to as the base
setting, effectively removes the role of the data recipient from the equation, thus casting the
problem purely as a risky decision. We expand on this experimental design through three more
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SAMAD ET AL.

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