Does Right-Wing Violence Affect Public Support for Radical Right Parties? Evidence from Germany
Published date | 01 December 2023 |
DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/00104140231169021 |
Author | Werner Krause,Miku Matsunaga |
Date | 01 December 2023 |
Subject Matter | Articles |
Article
Comparative Political Studies
2023, Vol. 56(14) 2269–2305
© The Author(s) 2023
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DOI: 10.1177/00104140231169021
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Does Right-Wing
Violence Affect Public
Support for Radical Right
Parties? Evidence from
Germany
Werner Krause
1
and Miku Matsunaga
2
Abstract
This article examines whether citizens’political preferences toward radical
right parties (RRPs) change after right-wing extremist violent attacks. It in-
vestigates this question in two ways. First, it presents a time-series study on
public support for the RRP Alternative for Germany (AfD) between 2013 and
2019. Second, the article employs a quasi-experimental research design to
examine the effect of a right-wing terrorist attack on citizens’attitudes toward
immigrants. Both studies indicate that public support for the AfD and its
programmatic core positions increased after right-wing extremist attacks.
Subsequent analyses suggest that former voters of the mainstream right, in
particular, drive this effect. These findings shed light on the determinants of
radical right party support, contributing to the long-standing debate on the
consequences of political violence.
Keywords
radical right parties, voting behavior, right-wing extremism, political violence
1
University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria
2
The University of Tokyo, Tokyo, Japan
Corresponding Author:
Werner Krause, Department of Government, University of Vienna, Rooseveltplatz 3, 1090
Vienna, Austria.
Email: werner.krause@univie.ac.at
How does right-wing extremist (RWE) violence affect the attitudes of voters
toward radical right parties (RRPs)? In the face of mounting fatal attacks
committed by members of far-right movements around the globe, this
question has become increasingly crucial to examine. Tragic examples of such
violence include the terrorist attacks in Oslo and Utøya (2011), Florence
(2011), Charleston (2015), Munich (2016), Charlottesville (2017), Pittsburgh
(2018), Macerata (2019), Christchurch (2019), El Paso (2019), Halle (2019),
Hanau (2020), Buffalo (2022), Paris (2022), or Bratislava (2022). Further-
more, between 2014 and 2019, EUROPOL documented the arrests of
142 right-wing terrorists in the European Union—more than triple the arrests
from 2008 to 2013.
1
According to numbers published in the 2020 Global
Terrorism Index, the number of far-right attacks in North America, Western
Europe, and Oceania increased by 250% since 2014 (Institute for Economics
& Peace, 2020). However, the consequences of RWE violence for RRPs’
electoral support are unclear.
One perspective holds that such attacks might increase sympathy for
immigrants and reduce RRP support (Allern & Karlsen, 2014;Jakobsson &
Blom, 2014). Especially, populist RRPs have gained electoral ground by
presenting themselves as “true”democrats. Their policy programs are more
moderate than those of less successful extreme right parties; they also abstain
from openly advocating the use of violence to achieve their political goals
(e.g., Art, 2011;Carter, 2005;Minkenberg, 2000;Mudde, 2007,2019;van der
Brug et al., 2005). Therefore, if voters associate these RRPs with RWEs, it is
expected that their support will decline.
However, another concerning view posits that, as election trends suggest,
RRPs have not suffered electorally despite increasing levels of RWE violence.
As put by Ohlemacher (1994, p. 234), violent right-wing attacks can act as the
starting point of a “spiral of speaking out”and thus increase anti-immigrant
sentiment in the population. In this vein, right-wing violence can increase the
salience of RRPs’core issues, such as immigration and cultural protectionism,
in the public debate. In addition, right-wing attacks frequently trigger in-
creasing elite polarization over the causes and implications of these attacks. In
particular, RRPs use immigration as an “omnibus issue”(Williams, 2006,
pp. 54–63) and frame it as the alleged “root cause”of right-wing violence.
Both these factors—issue salience and elite polarization—can mobilize voters
prone to anti-immigrant views in favor of RRPs.
The relationship between RWE violence and RRP support is tested by
focusing on the case of Germany between 2013 and 2019. Since the beginning
of the 21st century, Germany has experienced an increasing number of high-
profile deadly right-wing attacks (e.g., the National Socialist Underground
murders, the murder of Walter Lübcke, or the attacks of Halle, Hanau, and
Munich). Moreover, the increased influx of migrants since 2015 has been
associated with numerous stabbings, shootings, and arson attacks against
2270 Comparative Political Studies 56(14)
refugees, their accommodations, religious buildings, and pro-migrant and left-
wing politicians. Several characteristics, such as the frequency of violent
incidents, the historical legacy of right-wing extremism, or the increasing
immigration numbers, make Germany, to some extent, an exceptional case to
investigate the political consequences of RWE attacks (see Section A1 for a
detailed discussion of the case selection). That said, looking at Germany has
crucial implications for understanding right-wing violence beyond the case
under study. If the hypothesis that RRP support rises after RWE attacks is not
supported in Germany, we have reason to assume that right-wing violence will
not have a mobilizing effect on RRPs in other countries.
The analysis proceeds in two parts. First, we utilize a data set that combines
weekly survey estimates with information on incidents of RWE violence. By
employing time-series models and Granger “causality”
2
tests, we analyze the
impact of increasing right-wing violence on public support for the RRP Alter-
native for Germany (AfD) between 2013 and 2019. This approach accounts for
possible dynamics that run counter to the expected relationship, that is, that public
support for RRPs influences the number of violent RWE incidents. Second, a
quasi-experimental setup is used. The German fieldwork period of the Euro-
barometer survey 91.5 covered the arrest after a major right-wing terror attack: the
politician Walter Lübcke’s assassination. Lübcke, a member of the center-right
German Christian Democratic Union (CDU), was murdered for his affirmative
stance on welcoming refugees to Germany. This setting allows for estimating the
treatment effect of the right-wing terrorist’sapprehension comparing respondents’
attitudes toward immigration prior to and subsequent to the arrest. Moreover, the
combination of the time-sensitive estimation technique of the first study with the
quasi-experimental design of the second helps to isolate the effect of RWE
violence on public opinion. Combining both will reduce the risk that biases dueto
omitted variables or problems related to potential endogeneity will interfere with
interpreting the results.
The empirical results indicate that anti-immigrant sentiment and RRP
support have increased after RWE attacks. Although the identified effects are
moderate in magnitude, this article’sfindings suggest that right-wing violence
can be a driver rather than a consequence of the rise of the radical right. Hence,
increasing RWE violence does not necessarily contradict public approval of
RRPs. Supplementary analyses indicate that former voters of the mainstream
right drive these shifts in public opinion. This finding contributes to the
growing literature on right-wing violence, which has mostly treated it as a
dependent variable (e.g., Ravndal, 2018). The study is also a significant
contribution to existing scholarship on the consequences of terrorist and
violent events (e.g., Abrahms, 2006,2012;Gould & Klor, 2010;Helbling &
Meierrieks, 2022;Thomas, 2014) by extending current discussions to the
increasingly widespread form of right-wing extremism.
Krause and Matsunaga 2271
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