Rethinking nongovernmental organizations: Neoliberalism, “nonstate” actors, and the politics of recognition in the United States

Date01 October 2020
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/lapo.12157
Published date01 October 2020
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Rethinking nongovernmental organizations:
Neoliberalism, nonstateactors, and the politics
of recognition in the United States
Jara M. Carrington
Department of Anthropology, University of
North Texas, Denton, Texas, USA
Correspondence
Jara M. Carrington, Department of
Anthropology, University of North Texas,
1155 Union Circle #305268, Denton, TX
76203.
Email: jara.carrington@unt.edu
Abstract
This article builds on and contributes to the scholarship
on social movements and the law by revealing the
critical function of nongovernmental organizations
(NGOs) in law and policy in neoliberal times. Building
on frame theories in social movement literature, this
essay uses the lens of NGO-produced advocacy for
binational same-sex couples to consider more broadly
the relationship between individual experience, subjec-
tivity, and the discourses and practices employed by
NGO actors. It offers an analysis of both how NGOs
developed and utilized particular messaging strategies
and rhetorical frames to discursively produce a norma-
tive image of their constituency, and how constituents
navigated and made use of the framing strategies devel-
oped by NGOs in their own claims to state rights and
recognition. This discussion thus highlights the poten-
tials and the problematics of the NGO model in social
movementsefforts toward legal and political change.
1|INTRODUCTION
The nongovernmental organization (NGO) sector in the United States is a complex and fre-
quently misunderstood set of institutions and processes. NGOs take multiple forms and engage
in a variety of diverse activities, but the term is generally used to describe nonstate organiza-
tions that are distinct from for-profit business(Lewis & Schuller, 2017, 635). In practice, the
NGO sector has much more complex and intimate relationships with state power and the for-
profit financial sector than this characterization implies (Beam, 2016; Bernal & Grewal, 2014;
Lewis & Schuller, 2017). Furthermore, NGOs often also operate as social movement organiza-
tions, providing important social and legal services and leading advocacy efforts for marginal-
ized populations. For this reason, the NGO sector has been a significant site for the
development and implementation of social justice efforts for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgen-
der, and/or Queer (LGBTQ)- persons and communities in the United States.
DOI: 10.1111/lapo.12157
©2020 University of Denver/Colorado Seminary and Wiley Periodicals LLC
344 Law & Policy. 2020;42:344364.wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/lapo
This article examines the complex and evolving relationship among NGOs, LGBTQ-
focused social movements, and neoliberal state policies and practices through the lens of NGO-
produced advocacy for binational same-sex couples.
1
In doing so, I aim to critically analyze
NGOsposition in relation to their constituencies and to the neoliberal state, and to think
through the effects of this relationship both on processes of law- and policy-making as well as
on the constituents and supporters of such movements. NGO advocacy for binational same-sex
couples offers a unique lens through which to explore the cultural processes outlined in this arti-
cle. It is a site that makes clear both the limits of legal citizenship for LGBTQ-identified US citi-
zens and the exclusionary mechanisms of immigration law; in doing so, NGO advocacy for
binational same-sex couples reveals how the boundaries of national belonging get drawn in and
through intersecting norms concerning gender, sexuality, class, race, ethnicity, nationality, and
immigration status. In addition, given the diversity in history, identity, and notions of family
among individuals in binational same-sex relationships, the advocacy efforts that emerged in
the late 1990s had the potential to broadly challenge and draw important structural connections
between policies and laws related to both immigrant and LGBTQ rights. However, as we will
see, the framing processes(Benford & Snow, 2000) employed by NGOs working with this
population worked to strategically separate this population from broader political debates
about migration and equality for LGBTQ-identified persons. In this way, framing processes
had significant consequences not only for the types of legal and political demands made by
NGOs on behalf of this population but also significantly shaped the ways in which constituents
came to understand themselves as subjects of the state. This article thus highlights the potentials
and the problematics of the NGO model in social movementsefforts toward legal and political
justice in the United States and articulates the relationships among individual, organizational,
and state rhetorics and practices focused on the granting of state rights and recognition to a par-
ticular population.
To access the various levels of action and discourse that are described here, multiple ethno-
graphic methodologies were utilized. I employed what anthropologist Gusterson (1997) refers
to as polymorphous engagement,an eclectic mode of research that includes interacting with
informants across a number of dispersed sites, not just in local communities, and sometimes in
virtual formand requires collecting data eclectically from a disparate number of sources in
many different ways(116). A multimethod approach was critical to gaining access to necessary
yet diverse forms of data, and the combination of methods helped to shine new light on the
dynamic relationship between culture and agency in social movement processes (see Goodwin &
Jasper, 1999; Jasper, 1997). This project was based in and around New York City from 2011 to
2013, where much of the national-level advocacy work around this issue was being done at the
time. I interviewed twenty-six couple-participants and ten NGO staff-participants representing
six US-based NGOs that worked with LGBTQ immigrants. I cond ucted nearly two years of
participant observation in a variety of settings, including weekly volunteer sessions at a well-
regarded NGO that worked with binational same-sex couples. I also attended related social and
political events and participated in multiple political advocacy efforts, including the Lobby
Days event described below. I also collected and analyzed nearly 400 relevant textual sources,
including mainstream and alternative news articles, relevant advocacy materials, and related
governmental documents. Triangulation of the different forms of data offered new and unique
insights into the relationship between social movement framing processes, state-level lawmaking
and policymaking, and constituent meaning-making activities. In particular, the combination
of data analysis at both the macrolevel and microlevel enabled me to better see how NGO fram-
ing processes not only shaped proposed solutionsto social injustice but also impacted the
extent to which constituents saw themselves as included (or not) in those solutions.
This article brings together queer and feminist theories of NGOs with frame theories in
social movement literature to think anew about the complex ways in which discourse, culture,
and human agency interact to shape social movement goals and strategies as well as the lived
LAW & POLICY 345

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