Residential Instability, Family Support, and Parent–Child Relationships Among Ethnically Diverse Urban Families

AuthorJeanne Brooks‐Gunn,Adam Lippert,Elizabeth M. Riina
Date01 August 2016
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/jomf.12317
Published date01 August 2016
E M. R Queens College, CUNY
A L University of Colorado–Denver
J B-G Columbia University∗∗
Residential Instability, Family Support, and
Parent–Child Relationships Among Ethnically
Diverse Urban Families
From a social disorganization standpoint,
neighborhood residential instability potentially
brings negative consequences to parent–child
relationship qualities, but family social sup-
port and racial/ethnic identity may modify this
association. Using data (n=3,116) from the
Project on Human Development in Chicago
Neighborhoods, this study examines asso-
ciations between neighborhood residential
instability and parent–child warmth and con-
ict, whether family social support moderates
associations between residential instability
and parent–child relationships, and vari-
ation by race/ethnicity. Multilevel models
reveal that residential instability undermines
parent–child relationship qualities, particularly
for non-White individuals. Family support is
a protective factor for families in less stable
neighborhoods and specically buffers the
Family, Nutrition, and Exercise Sciences, Queens College,
CUNY,Queens, NY 11367 (eriina@qc.cuny.edu).
Department of Sociology, Universityof Colorado–Denver,
1380 Lawrence Street, Suite 420, Denver,CO 80204.
∗∗National Center for Children and Families, Columbia
University,525 West 120th Street, Box 226, New York, NY
10027.
Key Words: family diversity, family relations,neighborhood,
race/ethnicity, social support.
association between neighborhood residential
instability and reduced parent–child warmth.
Among Hispanics, family support mitigates
the association between residential instability
and heightened parent–child conict. Findings
highlight residential instability as a detriment to
parent–child relationships; families in unstable
neighborhoods may benet from family social
support.
Parent–child relationships are fundamental for
healthy child development. Relationships char-
acterized by high warmth and low conict foster
better school performance, higher self-esteem,
lower depression, and fewer behavior prob-
lems among children of diverse racial/ethnic
backgrounds (Amato & Fowler, 2002; Cleve-
land, Gibbons, Gerrard, Pomery, & Brody,
2005; Mogro-Wilson, 2008; Stanik, Riina, &
McHale, 2013; Stormshak, Bierman, McMahon,
& Lengua, 2000). Parenting is determined by
multiple contexts (Belsky, 1984; Bronfenbren-
ner, 1986; Pinderhughes, Nix, Foster, & Jones,
2001); however, extrafamilial factors that exist
in settings such as neighborhoods have been
examined less often. Further, the different risks
and resources that contribute to parent–child
relationships are typically studied in isolation
(Simons, Johnson, Conger, & Lorenz, 1997),
Journal of Marriage and Family 78 (August 2016): 855–870 855
DOI:10.1111/jomf.12317
856 Journal of Marriage and Family
but their effects may be modied by the pres-
ence or absence of factors at the family and
neighborhood levels. Previous research also
suggests that neighborhoods confer different
risks and resources to families on the basis of
race/ethnicity (Zambrana, 2011), but few studies
have examined the intersection of neighborhood
and family contexts for parenting in different
racial/ethnic groups.
Residential instability is a structural fea-
ture of neighborhoods marked by high rates
of residential turnover and low percentages of
family-owned homes (Sampson, Morenoff, &
Earls, 1999). We expect that families living
in neighborhoods characterized by a high rate
of residential instability will have lower levels
of parent–child warmth and higher levels of
parent–child conict than families living in
more stable areas. This is because residential
instability can cause concern among parents
over unknown individuals in the neighborhood
(Timperio, Crawford, Telford, & Salmon, 2004;
Valentine & McKendrick, 1997), hamper social
capital and informal social control of unwanted
behaviors in the community (Sampson et al.,
1999; Sampson, Raudenbush, & Earls, 1997),
and limit parents’ abilities to form supportive
relationships with neighbors unrelated to them
(Sampson, 2003).
As a result of the limited social resources in
unstable neighborhoods, support from family
members could take on special salience to
the lives of parents. Accordingly, we further
expect that the relationship between residential
instability and parent–child relationship quality
will be less pronounced for families with high
levels of family-based social support. Ample
research shows that social support is associated
with positive parent–child relationship qualities
(Ceballo & McLoyd, 2002; Crnic, Greenberg,
Robinson, & Ragozin, 1984; Green, Furrer, &
McAllister, 2007; Izzo, Weiss, Shanahan, &
Rodriguez-Brown, 2000; Kotchick, Dorsey, &
Heller, 2005; Taylor & Roberts, 1995), espe-
cially support provided by family members
(e.g., Kotchick et al., 2005; Taylor & Roberts,
1995). According to what we term a compen-
satory model, we expect that family-provided
social support may buffer parent–child relation-
ships against the negative effects of residential
instability. Drawing upon past research showing
stronger associations between social support
and parent–child relationship quality among
Black and Hispanic families, we also expect
race/ethnicity to modify the mutual links
among residential instability, social support, and
parent–child relationship quality.
Using data from the Project on Human Devel-
opment in Chicago Neighborhoods (PHDCN),
we address three main research questions: Do
families living in neighborhoods marked by high
residential turnover present lower parent–child
warmth and higher parent–child conict than
families in more stable neighborhoods? Do
high levels of familial social support moderate
these associations? Are these patterns different
for Hispanic or Black families as compared to
non-Hispanic White families? By addressing
these questions, this study sheds light on how
residential instability and social support are
implicated in parent–child relationships among
a diverse group of urban families.
B
Residential Instability and Parent–Child
Relationships
Consistent declines in the rate of home owner-
ship have occurred since the Great Recession,
falling 5% between 2005 and 2014 (Callis &
Kresin, 2015). As a consequence, increasing
shares of households—both with and without
children—are turning to renting instead of own-
ing their homes (Kingsley, Jordan, & Traynor
2012). Because renter-dominated neighbor-
hoods tend to experience greater residential
turnover than owner-dominated neighbor-
hoods, the growing ratio of renters to home-
owners suggests that residential instability
may become more normative across American
neighborhoods.
Residential instability has long been identi-
ed as a generally undesirable neighborhood
characteristic (Kasarda & Janowitz, 1974;
Sampson & Groves, 1989; Shaw & McKay,
1942). With respect to family outcomes, resi-
dential instability has been implicated in past
research that examines the community-level cor-
relates of parent–child relationship quality. For
instance, Coulton, Korbin, Su, and Chow (1995)
found that the prevalence of child maltreatment
is higher with increasing levels of residential
instability. Several mechanisms have been pro-
posed to explain the possible links between
residential instability and poor parent–child
relationship quality, which we describe in this
section.

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