Representative Bureaucracy Theory and the Implicit Embrace of Whiteness and Masculinity

Published date01 May 2022
AuthorShannon Portillo,Nicole Humphrey,Domonic A. Bearfield
Date01 May 2022
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/puar.13477
594 Public Administration Review • May | June 2022
Public Administration Review,
Vol. 82, Iss. 3, pp. 594–597. © 2022 by
The American Society for Public Administration.
DOI: 10.1111/puar.13477.
Shannon Portillo
Nicole Humphrey
Domonic A. Bearfield
Representative Bureaucracy Theory and the Implicit Embrace
of Whiteness and Masculinity
Abstract: Throughout much of representative bureaucracy literature, scholars have primarily focused on the
representation of people seen as other in the professional workforce—people of color and women. However, whiteness
and masculinity have been central to the development of public administration as a field of scholarship and practice.
As a field, we have often avoided explicit discussions regarding the impact whiteness and masculinity. We argue that
silences around race and gender have significant implications. Using representative bureaucracy as a frame, we seek
to highlight how acknowledging whiteness and masculinity in our scholarship can help provide a more comprehensive
understanding of race and gender in public administration.
Evidence for Practice
Traditionally discussions of representation in public administration focus on women and people of color,
overlooking the ways that whiteness and masculinity have shaped outcomes in our field.
By directly addressing whiteness and masculinity in public administration scholarship, the field can gain a
deeper understanding of race, gender, and inequity.
Representative bureaucracy scholarship largely
began as a normative discussion about the
makeup of bureaucracies and how they should
be more inclusive in western democratic nations.
Initially conceived by Kingsley to address problems
of class and gender representation in the British
civil service (1944), the early focus of representative
bureaucracy scholarship centered on legitimacy—
workforces reflecting the community would be seen
as more legitimate in modern democratic societies.
Kingsley(1944) made these arguments without
regard to race—he was largely focused on class issues.
Reflecting on the bureaucracy, Long (1952) wrote of
the democratic nature of the federal civil service and
his belief that it could effectively reflect the will of the
public. Building on these early normative arguments,
Van Riper(1958) and Krislov(1967) argued in the
1950s and 60s that representative bureaucracy could
also be used to explore the under-representation of
people of color, specifically Black constituents, in
American public sector positions. Underlying these
early normative arguments was the assumption
that bureaucratic organizations that reflect their
constituents, reflect the interests of those constituents
(Kingsley1944; Krislov1967; Long 1952).
Mosher’s(1968) work in the late 1960s shifted
the discussion from a purely normative one to
a theoretical framework that could be tested
empirically by arguing for a distinction between
passive and active representation (Rosenbloom and
Featherstonhaugh1977). Research has since primarily
focused on these two forms of representation, passive
and active. Passive representation emphasizes that
bureaucracies reflect the demographic characteristics
of constituents (Selden1997; Sowa and Selden2003),
while active representation emphasizes attempting
to reflect constituents’ interests (Keiser et al.2002).
Scholars have also explored symbolic representation in
public management. Symbolic representation suggests
“that the mere existence of a passively represented
bureaucracy can itself translate into benefits for
the citizenry—without any actions being taken by
bureaucrats” (Riccucci and Van Ryzin2017, 25).
Prior research suggests that symbolic representation
is associated with enhanced government legitimacy
(Riccucci and Van Ryzin2017; Riccucci, Van Ryzin,
and Jackson2018). More recent literature has
contributed additional nuance to this discussion,
speaking to the complex dimensions of representative
bureaucracy and the significance of individual lived
experiences (Headley et al.2021).
Whether normative, theoretical, or empirical,
representative bureaucracy scholarship has historically
focused on who is missing from public employment.
This focus on who has been left out is important
University of Kansas
University of Miami
Rutgers University-Newark
Domonic A. Bearfield is an Associate
Professor in the School of Public Affairs
and Administration at Rutgers University-
Newark. His research interests include the
study of race, gender and public sector
personnel.
Email: d.bearfield@rutgers.edu
Nicole Humphrey is an Assistant
Professor at the University of Miami.
Email: n.humphrey@miami.edu
Shannon Portillo is a Professor at the
University of Kansas.
Email: sportillo@ku.edu
Viewpoint Article
[Correction added on 14
March 2022, after first online
publication: Domonic A.
Bearfield’s affiliation has been
corrected in this version.]

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