Representation in State Supreme Courts

Published date01 June 2014
Date01 June 2014
DOI10.1177/1065912913504500
AuthorMelinda Gann Hall
Subject MatterArticles
Political Research Quarterly
2014, Vol. 67(2) 335 –346
© 2013 University of Utah
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DOI: 10.1177/1065912913504500
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Article
Understanding linkages between citizens and govern-
ment, particularly the connections brought about by the
powerful force of elections, is fundamental to a science
of politics. Central to this enterprise are institutional
arrangements and other contextual contingencies that
enhance or obviate the representative function and shape
the impact of electoral politics in American democracy.
Beginning with classic studies of Congress (e.g.,
Mayhew 1974; Miller and Stokes 1963) through recent
work on state legislatures (e.g., Hogan 2008), political
scientists have established that the threat of electoral
reprisal induces members who wish to retain their seats to
take constituency preferences into account when casting
votes on controversial issues. However, certain circum-
stances sever this connection, including lame-duck status
derived from voluntary retirement, electoral defeat, pro-
gressive ambition, and term limits (e.g., Carey et al. 2006;
Jenkins and Nokken 2008). Essentially, terminal terms
break the “electoral shackles” (Rothenberg and Sanders
2000, 316) and produce a “Burkean shift” (Carey et al.
2006, 105) in elite behavior wherein members vote sin-
cerely rather than strategically to appease constituencies.1
Moreover, these concepts about legislatures appear to
describe term-limited governors and their fiscal policies
(Alt, Bueno de Mesquita, and Rose 2011).
In this project, I extend the focus on democratic poli-
tics and the role of institutions and other contextual forces
in shaping the representative function to state supreme
courts. Specifically, I use mandatory retirement provi-
sions as an analytical device to examine how electoral
politics forges a connection between public preferences
and judicial votes. The fundamental argument is that
electoral vulnerability provides a vital key for under-
standing linkages between citizen preferences and the
bench. When reelection is a goal, the effects of electoral
insecurity are observable, producing strategic votes that
better comport with constituency preferences. However,
terminal terms, which remove the electoral incentive,
sharply attenuate these effects. In short, popular judicial
decisions are the product of goals, institutional arrange-
ments, and external threats.
In this regard, the states’ highest courts are intrigu-
ingly enigmatic. Unlike the other political branches, state
supreme courts lack an explicit representative function
and are steeped in normative expectations of indepen-
dence and counter-majoritarianism. At the same time, the
vast majority of justices must face voters regularly to
retain their seats in elections that are at least as competi-
tive as elections for many other offices in the United
States (Dubois 1980; Hall 2001a, 2007a; Kritzer 2011).
Moreover, these justices decide controversial cases within
a significant range of alternative institutional settings and
political contexts that have the potential to amplify or
diminish external forces influencing individual and col-
lective decisions, including pressures from the electoral
arena (e.g., Brace and Hall 1995, 1997). Finally, extant
504500PRQXXX10.1177/1065912913504500
research-article2013
Hall
1Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA
Corresponding Author:
Melinda Gann Hall, Department of Political Science, Michigan State
University, 368 Farm Lane, S303, East Lansing, MI 48824, USA.
Email: hallme@msu.edu
Representation in State Supreme Courts:
Evidence from the Terminal Term
Melinda Gann Hall1
Abstract
This research capitalizes on the analytical opportunity created by mandatory retirement provisions to explore the
nature of the electoral connection in state supreme courts and to illustrate how changes in institutional context
can modify the decisional propensities of political elites and reshape their fundamental roles. Specifically, this work
demonstrates that mandatory retirement obviates the representative function by disconnecting key mechanisms
through which public preferences are translated into judicial votes: threat conditions that elevate the risk of electoral
censure. In state supreme courts, popular votes are in part strategic and result from a complex interaction of goals,
institutions, and external pressures.
Keywords
state supreme courts, judicial behavior, mandatory retirement, death penalty

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