Repairing Journalism’s History of Anti-Black Harm

Published date01 May 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/00027162231218817
AuthorJoseph Torres,Collette Watson
Date01 May 2023
Subject MatterPart III: Demand
208 ANNALS, AAPSS, 707, May 2023
DOI: 10.1177/00027162231218817
Repairing
Journalism’s
History of Anti-
Black Harm
By
JOSEPH TORRES
and
COLLETTE WATSON
1218817ANN The Annals of The American AcademyRepairing Journalism’s History of Anti-Black Harm
research-article2023
This article addresses current debates about the future
of journalism by arguing that efforts to “save” local
journalism will not succeed unless they reckon with the
historical role that journalism has played in undermin-
ing democracy for Black people and Black communi-
ties. The authors are cofounders of a project that calls
for media reparations to reconcile and repair the his-
tory of anti-Black racism in the U.S. media system. We
describe the media industry’s history of racist harms,
the structural racism that enabled those harms, and the
role that government policy can play in creating a
media ecosystem where Black media outlets and voices
control the creation and distribution of their own nar-
ratives. We then discuss prospects for a reparative
approach to the reform of media practice and media
policy that focuses on acknowledging and reconciling
the media system’s racial harms.
Keywords: media reparations; journalism; racism;
Media 2070; media policy
In the short human history of the modern nation
state, it is hard to identify an example of when a
democracy survived the transition in which the
dominant racial, ethnic or religious group
became a numerical minority. More typically,
democracy is sacrificed in order to maintain the
cultural, economic and political dominance of
that class.
—Tarso Luís Ramos, executive director of Political
Research Associates, at the 2018 Facing Race
conference1
Correspondence: jtorres@freepress.net
cwatson@freepress.net
Joseph Torres is the senior advisor of reparative policies
and programs at Free Press and the cofounder of the
Media 2070 project. With acclaimed journalist Juan
González, Torres also coauthored the New York Times
best-selling book News for All the People: The Epic
Story of Race and the American Media.
Collette Watson is the vice president of cultural strategy
at Free Press and the cofounder and director of the
Media 2070 project. Watson is also the director of the
award-winning Media 2070 documentary Black in the
Newsroom.
REPAIRING JOURNALISM’S HISTORY OF ANTI-BLACK HARM 209
It is—and has always been—difficult to achieve racial justice when dominant
media narratives have historically undermined the goals of creating a more just
society. During the early 1960s, TV coverage of the civil rights movement often
captured the violence of white racial terrorists who were determined to obstruct
a democratic future for Black people in the South. TV cameras captured the grief
following a KKK terrorist bombing that killed four girls in the basement of a
Black Birmingham church (National Public Radio 2003). And they captured the
terrifying moment—now remembered as Bloody Sunday—when the police
attacked civil rights leaders and activists attempting to cross a bridge in Selma
during a historic voting rights march. (PBS Learning Media, n.d.).
Few households owned a TV set during the early 1950s. But a decade later,
more than 90 percent did (Library of Congress, n.d.). Changes in technology
transformed the news industry. TV news coverage of the civil rights movement
and the violent actions of Southern authoritarian leaders received international
attention and pressured the federal government to take action.
Broadcast journalism has received a great deal of credit for its role in the pas-
sage of landmark civil rights legislation: the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the Voting
Rights Act of 1965 (Madrigal 2018; PBS Learning Media, n.d.). But even with the
passage of that historic legislation, Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. had a stark assess-
ment of what had actually been accomplished.
In his final book, Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community? King
(1967/2010) criticized powerful white leaders and the broader white community—
including the press—for abandoning the Black community in the struggle for
racial equality. King (1967/2010) wrote in 1967 that for the majority of white
people, the first phase of the civil rights struggle was about ensuring that Black
people were treated “with a degree of decency.” Most white people, King noted,
did not perceive the movement as a fight for equality. White America, he said,
“was ready to demand that the Negro should be spared the lash of brutality and
coarse degradation, but it had never been truly committed to helping him out of
poverty, exploitation or all forms of discrimination” (King 1967/2010, 3–4).
King continued,
The outraged white citizen had been sincere when he snatched the whips from the
Southern sheriffs and forbade them more cruelties. But when this was to a degree
accomplished, the emotions that had momentarily inflamed him melted away. White
Americans left the Negro on the ground and in devastating numbers walked off with the
aggressor. It appeared that the white segregationist and the ordinary white citizen had
more in common with one another than either had with the Negro.
When Negroes looked for the second phase, the realization of equality, they found that
many of their white allies had quietly disappeared. The Negroes of America had taken
the President, the press and the pulpit at their word when they spoke in broad terms of
freedom and justice. But the absence of brutality and unregenerate evil is not the pres-
ence of justice. To stay murder is not the same thing as to ordain brotherhood. The word
was broken, and the free-running expectations of the Negro crashed into the stone walls
of white resistance. The result was havoc. Negroes felt cheated, especially in the North,
while many whites felt that the Negroes had gained so much it was virtually impudent
and greedy to ask for more so soon. (King 1967/2010, 3–4)

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