Religion, Marriage Markets, and Assortative Mating in the United States
| Author | David McClendon |
| Date | 01 October 2016 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/jomf.12353 |
| Published date | 01 October 2016 |
D MC Pew Research Center
Religion, Marriage Markets, and Assortative Mating
in the United States
As interfaith marriage has become more com-
mon, religion is thought to be less important
for sorting partners. Nevertheless, prior stud-
ies on religious assortative mating use samples
of prevailing marriages, which miss how local
marriage markets shape both partner selection
and marriage timing. Drawing on search the-
ory and data from 8,699 young adults (ages
18–31 years) in the National Longitudinal Study
of Youth 1997, the author examined the associa-
tion between the concentration of coreligionists
in local marriage markets and marriage timing
and partner selection using event history meth-
ods. Religious concentration is associated with
higher odds of transitioning to marriage and
religious homogamy (conditional on marriage)
for women and men at older ages (24–31 years)
but not at younger ages (18–23 years). The
association was also stronger for non-Hispanic
Whites when compared with other racial and
ethnic groups. The ndings indicate that religion
remains relevant in sorting partners for many
young adults in today’s marriage market.
The rise of religious intermarriage is one of the
most striking changes in partnering behavior in
the United States (Kalmijn, 1991; Rosenfeld,
2008). Nearly a century ago, less than a third
of all marriages were between partners of dif-
ferent religious upbringings, and only 10% of
1615 L Street NW #800, Washington, DC 20036
(david.m.mcclendon@gmail.com).
Key Words: interfaith, marriage, mate selection, National
Longitudinal Study of Youth (NLSY), religion,union forma-
tion.
couples maintained separate religious identities
after marriage. Today, more than half of all mar-
riages cross religious lines, with some 40% of
couples remaining interfaith (Putnam & Camp-
bell, 2010). Attitudes toward religious intermar-
riage among young adults and their parents have
also become more accepting (Putnam & Camp-
bell, 2010). These trends, coupled with more
general declines in religious identication and
attendance (Hout & Fischer, 2014; Schwadel,
2010; Smith, 2015), have led scholars to pay less
attention to religion in partnering decisions.
Yet despite a decline in its importance, there
are signs that religion remains relevant in the
marriage market. First, religious similarity
between partners seems to matter more to
some religious groups than others: When com-
pared with Mainline Protestants and Catholics,
Evangelical Protestants and Mormons have
maintained relatively high levels of religious
homogamy (Lehrer, 1998; Logan, Hoff, & New-
ton, 2008; Sherkat, 2004). Second and more
generally, cultural compatibility remains an
important basis on which people choose roman-
tic partners (Kalmijn, 1998; Schwartz, 2013).
As a signal of a person’s beliefs and practices,
religion may continue to act as a lter for many
men and women seeking partners with similar
values and cultural orientations—not just for the
religiously devout but also for atheists and the
religiously unafliated.
This study revisits religion’s role in sorting
partners using a marriage-market approach.
Most prior research examines national trends
in religious homogamy among prevailing
marriages to assess whether religion has become
more or less important for marriage decisions
Journal of Marriage and Family 78 (October 2016): 1399–1421 1399
DOI:10.1111/jomf.12353
1400 Journal of Marriage and Family
over time. In contrast, I draw on search theory
(Oppenheimer, 1988) to test how variation in
the supply of religiously similar partners across
local marriage markets is related not only to
partner choice but also to entry into marriage
or marriage timing. I ask whether young adults
in unfavorable markets with few religious
matches delay marriage rather than intermarry
and whether those in favorable markets nd a
religious match more easily and marry more
quickly.
I use data from the rst 15 rounds of the
National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997
(NLSY97) and event history methods to model
the associations between the local concentra-
tion of coreligionists and marriage timing and
partner’s religion (homogamy vs. heterogamy)
among young adults aged 18 to 31 years. I also
test whether the association between religious
concentration and marriage varies by religious
tradition and religious commitment. In keeping
with prior studies on marriage, I analyze respon-
dents separately by gender. I also incorporate
recent changes in family formation by exam-
ining variation in marriage market effects at
different stages in the young adult life course as
well as differences between entry into marriage
and cohabitation.
B
Religious Assortative Mating in the United
States
Religion was once an important social boundary
in the marriage market. Few Americans married
a spouse who did not share their religion or
denominational afliation, and those who did
often switched religions upon marrying (Glenn,
1982; Kalmijn, 1991; Kennedy, 1944; Lehrer,
1998). Religious boundaries were reinforced
in part by strong prohibitions by families and
religious communities against exogamy. In
addition, shared religious beliefs and practices
were thought to provide spouses with a strong
foundation on which to build a happy and
fullling marriage.
Today, more than half of all marriages are
between partners of different religious upbring-
ings, and 40% of couples maintain separate
religious identities after marriage (Putnam
& Campbell, 2010). As religious homogamy
has declined, sorting on educational attain-
ment and income has increased (Schwartz,
2010; Schwartz & Mare, 2005). Some scholars
attribute these changes to shifts in partner pref-
erences, arguing that achieved traits (education
and income) have supplanted ascribed traits
related to family background (religion, race,
class) as the primary basis for sorting part-
ners (Schwartz, 2013). Indeed, today’s young
adults are more likely than their predecessors
to approve of religious intermarriage (Putnam
& Campbell, 2010). Changing preferences are
likely reinforced by growing religious diversity,
declining religious authority and membership
(Chaves, 1994; Hout & Fischer, 2014), decreas-
ing salience of denominational boundaries
(Wuthnow, 1988), socioeconomic convergence
between religious groups (Kalmijn, 1991),
and weakening third-party control over mate
selection (Rosenfeld & Kim, 2005).
Although trends over time suggest that
religion has become less important for part-
nering decisions, there are reasons to think
that it remains relevant in the marriage market.
Churches and religious organizations remain
important centers of social life for many Ameri-
cans, particularly during childhood (Feld, 1981;
Smith & Denton, 2005). Congregations often
facilitate partner selection by providing young
adults with opportunities to meet partners of
similar religious backgrounds (Kalmijn & Flap,
2001). Most religions also actively encourage
homogamy to help grow and retain members
(Sherkat, 2004; Voas, 2003).
Religious similarity may also be attractive as
a signal of cultural compatibility. In marriage, as
in friendships, people are attracted to others who
share their values and lifestyle (Kalmijn, 1994;
McPherson, Smith-Lovin, & Cook, 2001). Reli-
gions constitute an important social source of
beliefs and attitudes toward issues that matter to
potential spouses: family formation and parent-
ing, priorities around family and work, division
of labor in the household, politics, and identity
(Mahoney, 2010; Smith, 2003). Religions also
involve practices and rituals that bind people to
communities and provide connections to the past
(Tweed,2008). Even for atheist and nonreligious
young adults, the commitment to secular values
may be an important lter during the search for
a spouse.
Search Theory and Marriage Markets
Assortative mating trends are limited in their
ability to reveal a religion’s role in sorting
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