Religion and Latino Partisanship in the United States

• Date: 01 March 2005
• Author: Jana Morgan Kelly,Nathan J. Kelly
• DOI: 10.1177/106591290505800108
• Published date: 01 March 2005
• Subject Matter: Articles

PRQ_March05_III 3/24/05 9:19 AM Page 87
Religion and Latino Partisanship
in the United States
NATHAN J. KELLY, UNIVERSITY AT BUFFALO, THE STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK
JANA MORGAN KELLY, UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA AT CHAPEL HILL
This article examines the interplay among religion, ethnicity, and the partisanship of Latinos in the U.S. Using
pooled data from the 1990-2000 National Election Studies, we assess denominational affiliation and religious
commitment as explanations of partisanship. We show that there is more religious diversity among Latinos
than is usually acknowledged in studies of Latino politics and that the political importance of religion among
Latinos has not been adequately assessed because variation beyond a Catholic/non-Catholic dichotomy has
been ignored. We demonstrate that variation in Latino religious affiliation has important political implications.
Contemporary American politics is as competitive as at elections has increased at almost the same rate as their
any time in history. As evidenced by recent elections,
growth in the population. Given the sheer number of Latinos
even small changes in partisan sympathies or politi-
as well as evidence of rising naturalization and political par-
cal activity can have a profound impact on the balance of par-
ticipation levels, more attention to Latino political behavior
tisan power and accompanying policy outcomes. Given this
is appropriate in order to appreciate the nature and magni-
tenuousness, it is instructive for students of politics to explore
tude of their current and future influence on U.S. politics.
sources of partisan change in the U.S. electorate. The rising
While several studies have explored the partisanship and
tide of Latinos seems poised to create such change.1
issue attitudes of Latinos (Alvarez and Bedolla 2003; Cain
The Latino population of the U.S. has grown dramati-
and Kiewiet 1984; Cain, Kiewiet, and Uhlaner 1991; Coffin
cally in the past few decades, surpassing blacks as the largest
2003; F. Garcia 1997; Kosmin and Keysar 1995; Welch and
minority group in the 2002 Current Population Survey.
Sigelman 1993), this study focuses specifically on religion
Electorally, Latinos comprised a larger proportion of voters
and partisanship. Our analysis seeks to understand the
in 2000 than in any previous election. Existing studies have
interplay between religion and ethnicity in politics and to
focused on the low levels of participation and citizenship
assess the determinants of partisanship in an important
among Latinos, but the political importance of Latinos is
minority. First we establish the theoretical underpinnings of
increasing (Arvizu and Garcia 1996; Calvo and Rosenstone
our work by discussing how religion can influence Latino
1989; Diaz 1996; J. Garcia 1997; Hero and Campbell 1996;
politics in the U.S. Second, we describe the religious com-
Hritzuk and Park 2000; Jones-Correa and Leal 2001; Verba
position of Latinos in the U.S. during the 1990s. Third, we
et al. 1993). Since 1994, in fact, Latino participation in
analyze the connection between Latino religion and parti-
sanship. We conclude by discussing the implications of
these findings for partisan alignments in the U.S.
1 The term Latino will be used in this paper to refer to people who are
immigrants or the descendants of immigrants from Spain or the former
EXPLAINING LATINO PARTISANSHIP
Spanish colonies in Central and South America and the Caribbean, as
well as people who are descendants of residents of the parts of former
Recently, scholars have conducted creative analyses to
Spanish colonies that are now part of the U.S. The term is used out of
provide new analytical leverage on the formation of parti-
convenience, and its use is not meant to imply that a common “Latino”
identity exists.
sanship among Latinos (Alvarez and Bedolla 2003; Coffin
2003). But these studies do not diverge from earlier studies
NOTE: We are grateful to Lyman Kellstedt, David Lowery, Laura Olsen, and
in at least one important respect—they give little attention to
George Rabinowitz for their comments on this article. An earlier
the influence of religion in Latino politics. Studies that do
version was presented at the 2001 annual meeting of the Midwest
Political Science Association in Chicago. Data are from the 1948-
examine religion usually conceptualize it simply as a
2000 NES Cumulative Data File (Sapiro and Rosenstone 2001),
dichotomy between Catholic and not Catholic. Perhaps due
augmented by data from individual NES studies when necessary.
in part to this simplified conceptualization, the literature on
These materials are based on work supported by the National Sci-
the political behavior of Latinos arrives at mixed conclusions
ence Foundation under Grant Nos.: SBR-9707741, SBR-9317631,
as to the effect of religion. In a study comparing the partici-
SES-9209410, SES-9009379, SES-8808361, SES-8341310, SES-
8207580, and SOC77-08885. Any opinions, findings and conclu-
pation of Anglos, African-Americans, and Latinos, Verba and
sions or recommendations expressed in these materials are those of
his colleagues (1993) find that both religious affiliation and
the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the National Sci-
church attendance are important explanatory factors in
ence Foundation or the National Election Studies.
understanding participation levels, particularly the low par-
Political Research Quarterly, Vol. 58, No. 1 (March 2005): pp. 87-95
ticipation of Latinos. Kosmin and Keysar (1995) also find
87

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POLITICAL RESEARCH QUARTERLY
support for the notion that religion is politically important
important among those in the process of learning about pol-
among Latinos, suggesting that Protestants are more likely
itics in a new country. However, religion is a multidimen-
than Catholics to be Republican. On the other hand, Welch
sional concept, and in the past two decades the religion and
and Sigelman (1993) find few differences between Latinos of
politics literature has begun to account for this multidimen-
different religious backgrounds, and de la Garza, Falcon, and
sionality more carefully by placing emphasis on two psycho-
Garcia (1996) find no religious influence on the core values
logical facets of religion—theological beliefs and religious
held by Mexican-Americans. Overall, we know little about
behaviors (Guth et al. 1995; Jelen 1991; Kellstedt et al. 1996;
the political implications of Latino religion.
Layman 1997; Layman and Carmines 1997). While theories
The primary reason for this lack of knowledge is likely
emphasizing psychological factors differ in important ways
data limitations. Only a few data collections that focus on
from the contextual conception of religious influence, we
Latinos are available, most prominent among these being
bring these two approaches together in our analysis.
the Latino National Political Survey and a more recent study
More specifically, we hypothesize that certain religious
funded by the Pew and Kaiser foundations. These Latino
behaviors and beliefs will condition the effect of political
data sources, however, make use of an outdated measure of
information that flows to individuals in churches. At the
religious affiliation that limits their usefulness for studying
very minimum, people must attend religious services to be
the connection between religion and politics.2 No publicly
exposed to the political messages that are presented. Other
available single data source that provides useful measures of
forms of religious behavior such as prayer and bible reading
both religion and politics includes enough Latino respon-
might also make individuals more likely to adopt political
dents to conduct convincing analysis. We overcome this
views communicated in a religious context. In addition,
problem by using National Election Studies (NES) data from
those who evidence a willingness to accept religious doc-
1990-2000. By pooling these years, we are able to examine
trine on faith should be more likely to accept and be influ-
nearly 1000 Latino respondents.3 With regard to religion,
enced by political messages disseminated in churches. In
the NES has included a fairly comprehensive battery of reli-
sum, we hypothesize that high (or low) levels of religious
gion measures since 1990. Thus, we make use of a source
orthodoxy and activity will magnify (or diminish) the effect
specifically designed to study neither Latinos nor religion,
of political messages delivered in the context of a church.
but one that provides more detailed information about both
To operationalize the concepts discussed above ideally
than any other publicly available source.
we would observe the political messages exchanged in
As we consider the mechanisms of religious impact, we
churches. Individual-level analysis could then be conducted
base our analysis primarily on the theory that churches pro-
to determine whether the partisanship of Latinos in varying
vide an important social context in which political informa-
church contexts responds predictably to differences in polit-
tion...