Relative Deprivation, Absolute Deprivation, and Homicide: Testing an Interaction Between Income Inequality and Disadvantage

AuthorStephen J. Watts,James C. McCutcheon,Bert Burraston,Karli Province
DOI10.1177/1088767918782938
Published date01 February 2019
Date01 February 2019
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/1088767918782938
Homicide Studies
2019, Vol. 23(1) 3 –19
© 2018 SAGE Publications
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DOI: 10.1177/1088767918782938
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Article
Relative Deprivation,
Absolute Deprivation,
and Homicide: Testing an
Interaction Between Income
Inequality and Disadvantage
Bert Burraston1, Stephen J. Watts1,
James C. McCutcheon1, and Karli Province1
Abstract
Both relative and absolute deprivation have effects on crime. These two concepts
may be complementary, but much scholarship has treated them as separate. The
present study assesses whether the effects of relative and absolute deprivation,
measured as income inequality and disadvantage, respectively, interact in their effect
on known homicide counts in U.S. counties. A multilevel regression model shows
that there is a significant interaction between income inequality and disadvantage
predicting homicide counts known to police. The plot of this interaction shows that
when disadvantage is extremely high, increasing income inequality does not increase
known homicides. The less disadvantage there is, the greater the effect of increasing
income inequality on homicide counts in U.S. counties. This finding suggests that the
effect of relative deprivation on known homicide is contingent on levels of absolute
deprivation and vice versa. The implication of this finding is discussed.
Keywords
homicide, relative deprivation, absolute deprivation, inequality, disadvantage
Both relative and absolute deprivation have been connected to physical and psycho-
logical health, structural and economic stability, access to nourishment, and crime
(Block & Block, 1992; Bradshaw & Ellison, 2010; Eberts & Sehwirian, 1968; Hsieh
1University of Memphis, TN, USA
Corresponding Author:
James C. McCutcheon, Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice, University of Memphis, College
of Arts and Sciences, Memphis, TN 3815, USA.
Email: jcmcctch@memphis.edu
782938HSXXXX10.1177/1088767918782938Homicide StudiesBurraston et al.
research-article2018
4 Homicide Studies 23(1)
& Pugh, 1993; Ladin, Daniels, & Kawachi, 2009; Land, McCall, & Cohen, 1990;
Lhila & Simon, 2010; McCall, Land & Parker, 2010; Saito et al., 2014). This implies
that relative and absolute deprivation are multidimensional, explaining not only crime
but also other social issues (Crosby, 1976; Rosenfeld, Baumer, & Messner, 2001;
Runciman, 1966). Scholars have suggested that relative deprivation has the strongest
influence on criminal and social issues in urbanized areas where resources are dispro-
portionately accessible (Ravallion & Lokshin, 2010). An enduring concern in crimi-
nology is “what part does absolute deprivation play in the relationship between relative
deprivation and crime?” However, the majority of research to date explains the impact
each concept has separately, and not collectively, on crime. The present study seeks to
partially fill this gap in the literature by examining relative and absolute deprivation as
complimentary concepts. To achieve this, the current study tests the effect income
inequality and disadvantage have on homicide counts in U.S. counties known to
police. In addition, the current study examines whether income inequality and disad-
vantage interact to explain homicide counts.
Literature Review
Relative Deprivation and Crime
Relative deprivation has been studied at both the micro and macro levels (Chamberlain
& Hipp, 2015; Kawachi, Kennedy, & Wilkinson, 1999; Yitzhaki, 1979). The concept
of relative deprivation has generally been defined as a feeling of economic deprivation
in comparison with one’s peers (Eibner & Evans, 2005), and this feeling can nega-
tively impact individuals in a number of ways. In terms of theory, the importance of
relative deprivation for the study of deviance has been framed within the theoretical
tradition of anomie/strain (Agnew, 1992; Agnew, Cullen, Burton, Evans, & Dunaway,
1996; Baumer & Gustafson, 2007; Merton, 1938; Messner & Rosenfeld, 2012). This
framing makes sense, as unfavorable comparisons of one’s self with others can create
feelings of stress (Oshio, Nozaki, & Kobayashi, 2011). When access to resources is
not spread evenly within a geographic area that individuals identify with, feelings of
strain and frustration can lead to deviancy for those who see themselves as having less
than some reference group to which they feel similar (Agnew, 1999; Hipp, 2007).
People may feel similarity to others based on macro-level factors, such as residing in
the same neighborhood, community, city, county, state, and so on, and derive feelings
of inequality based on these factors (Agnew, 1999).
This focus in the literature concerning relative deprivation on comparing one’s con-
ditions with similar others is what sets it apart from other popular macro-level con-
cepts, which tend to focus more on absolute conditions. The focus on relative conditions
and comparing one’s self with others relates specifically to homicide because, in the
view of anomie/strain theory, having one’s chances at success, wealth, and prestige
constrained by society, or being denied the resources and rewards they believe they
need, expect, or desire, can result in stress that acts as a motivation for aggression and
violence (Messner & Rosenfeld, 1999).

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